thing from New York as to the time it will be evacuated. A pamphlet has lately come over from Great Britain which appears to be well adapted to retard, if not prevent, a commercial treaty, and which is said to be much attended to. It urges an adherence to the principle of the Navigation Act, by which American vessels will be excluded from the trade between the separate parts of the Empire, and from all intercourse with the dependent territories. It undertakes to show, from an enumeration of the produce of the United States and the manufactures consumed by them, that those of Great Britain, recommended by the superior credit which her merchants can give, will be sufficiently sure of a preference in the American market. And, lastly, it maintains that the interests of the States are so opposite in matters of commerce, and the authority of Congress so feeble, that no defensive precautions need be feared on the part of the United States; and threatens, that, in case they should refuse to let British vessels exclusively carry on a commerce between the United States and the West Indies, as far as the interest of the Islands may require, the vessels of one State shall not be permitted to carry the produce of another to any British port. The whole tenor of the reasoning supposes that France will not permit vessels of the United States to trade with their Islands, in which there is good reason to believe they are not mistaken. The object of the French Administration is said to be, to allow a direct trade between the United States and their West India possessions, but to confine it to French bottoms.

The Legislature of Pennsylvania have unanimously adopted the recommendations of Congress, both as to revenue and a change of the Federal rule for apportioning the common burdens. They will also present an invitation to Congress, we understand, to resume their sessions at Philadelphia, if that place be judged most fit for the despatch of public business, until a permanent seat be chosen and prepared; giving at the same time explicit assurances of support in case it should on any occasion be needed. What effect this conciliatory proposition may have on the temper of Congress is precarious. With some, the complaisance shown to the late recommendations of Congress will be far from softening the dislike. With others, Philadelphia will ever be obnoxious while it contains and respects an obnoxious character. Annapolis has seized the present occasion to forward her views with respect to Congress, and has courted their presence in the most flattering terms. During this contest among the rival seats, we are kept in the most awkward situation that can be imagined; and it is the more so as we every moment expect the Dutch Ambassador. We are crowded too much, either to be comfortable ourselves, or to carry on the public business with advantage. Mr. Jones and myself, on our arrival, were extremely put to it to get any quarters at all, and are at length put into one bed in a room not more than ten feet square.

123

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, September 8, 1783.

The delay of the definitive treaty, although not fully explained to Congress, excites less disquietude here than I find it does in Virginia. Our latest official advices were from Mr. Laurens, of the seventeenth of June. The conduct of the British administration was far from explicit, according to his state of it, but probably proceeded more from the discordant materials of which it is composed, and doubts as to the commercial footing on which America ought to be placed, than from any insidious views. Why, indeed, a commercial treaty should be made to clog the treaty of peace, is left to conjecture. Perhaps the fact may not be true, and the delay of the latter may be owing still to the old cause, to wit, a discussion of the intricate points with the Dutch. The situation of Great Britain is such, that nothing but some signal change in the aspect of things in this hemisphere can inspire a fresh disposition for war; notwithstanding the menacing tone of Sir Guy Carleton.

The Legislature of Pennsylvania have taken every possible step to expiate the default of the Executive, short of an impeachment of its members, which the rigor of some members of Congress included among the terms of reconciliation with the State. They have expressly invited Congress back, assured them of honorable protection, and given up the State-house with the appendages for their tem porary use. They have also made Germantown a competitor for the permanent abode of Congress. VOL. I.-36*

The opposition in the New England States to the grant of half-pay, instead of subsiding, has increased to such a degree as to produce almost a general anarchy. In what shape it will issue, is altogether uncertain. Those who are interested in the event look forward with very poignant apprehensions. Nothing but some Continental provision can obtain for them this part of their reward.

Why did not the Assembly stop the sale of land warrants? They bring no profit to the public treasury, are a source of constant speculation on the ignorant, and will finally arm numbers of citizens of other States, and even foreigners, with claims and clamors against the faith of Virginia. Immense quantities have from time to time been vended in this place at immense profit, and in no small proportion to the subjects of our Ally. The credulity here being exhausted, I am told the land-jobbers are going on with their commodity to Boston and other places.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Princeton, September 13, 1783.

Our Ministers in Europe have made some amends for their long silence, by voluminous despatches brought down to the twenty-seventh of July. They were received yesterday by Congress. No definitive treaty had then been signed by any of the parties, though all had been ready except Holland and America. The former is said to have settled her

difficulties. The American Ministers have been endeavouring to incorporate some important commercial stipulations, but in vain; and, in case of emergency, must come forward with the provisional articles to be signed as the definitive treaty. The conduct of Great Britain in the negotiation with America has shown great unsteadiness, if not insidiousness, on the subject of commerce; and the enclosed proclamation of the second of July is a proof that some experiment is intended on the wisdom, firmness, and union of the States, before they will enter into a treaty in derogation of her Navigation Act. Congress will probably recommend some defensive plan to the States. If it should meet with the fate of former recommendations, it will not probably be owing to Rhode Island, whose staple interest, more than that of any others, lies in carrying between the United States and the West Indies. If it fails at all, it will prove such an inefficacy in the Union as will extinguish all respect for it and reliance on it.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Princeton, September 20, 1783.

DEAR SIR,

Your favor of the thirty-first ultimo came to hand yesterday. As the reason which chiefly urged my departure for Virginia has ceased, I have been led to protract my attendance on Congress by the interest I felt in some measures on foot, and the particular interest which my constituents have in them. Two of these were the territorial cession and the