several arguments, therefore, offer the slightest pretence for upholding an extraordinary establishment in time of peace.

But we have the highest authorities in aid of our argument upon this latter ground. How did the learned Lowth condemn restraints upon the press when, in a sermon half a century ago, and in good times, he says, "let no man be alarmed at the attempts of atheists and infidels let them produce their cause and bring forth their arguments to their own confusion." And Wharton, in addressing the freethinkers, admits, "that whatever be the cause of this folly, it would be unjust to ascribe it to the freedom of the press, which wise men will ever hold to be one of the most precious advantages of civil liberty." He says of himself, "that one of the meanest in this controversy, I should have been ashamed of projecting the defence of the great Jewish legislator did not I know, that assailants and defenders skirmished all under one equal law of liberty."

Now, armed with these enlightened principles, so long established and confirmed by experience, let us compare the conduct of government, at a period when even watchfulness was in repose, and opposition enfeebled by the generous spirit of loyalty by which parliament was animated, when called upon to settle the civil list upon the accession of his present Majesty. It will hardly be credited, that the original proposal on the part of the minister was assented to and approved, all parties silently and tamely submitting to the will of the sovereign, whom we most ardently pray, feeling as we do for the prosperity of Great Britain, may be looked up to by a grateful people, as the only fountain of honor and emolument in our day.

Richly provided by the vote of parliament, and the calm which subsisted within-doors, ministers turned their attention to the crowd, and dared to proscribe, with the assistance of their usual dupes, their country friends, all the intellectual enjoyment and improvement it was in the habit of receiving, at what they were pleased to deem too easy an expense the only means in the power of the people of judging of the lives and characters of their superiors, and ameliorating their own condition by the force of such eaxmples. There is food, it must be granted, essential both to the body and the mind: is it possible to conceive, that even under the present ridiculous thirst for high prices, whatever is palatable, or such as can be relished by the species, can possibly come too cheap to the consumer? Do we boast of freedom, and see dust thrown in the eyes of his Majesty's subjects to disqualify them to judge in the humblest way, of the learning and opinions of others? Whatever, under the protection of law, is permitted to be written, might even be encouraged to be read.

But let us now return to the subject more immediately under consideration. His Majesty's ministers very properly introduced into the king's speech on the opening of the parliament, in 1816, "that they might rely on every disposition on his part to concur in such measures of economy as might be thought consistent with the security of the country, and with the station which we occupy in Europe.' In investigating the several bearings of this proposal, the writer of these remarks sees reason to beseech his Majesty to reflect, that the current expenses, of the preceding years, bore no proportion to instances occurring in any former reign, not excepting that of the glorious memory of his father's: that the termination of the war, the time to which we are alluding, had incurred an annual expenditure capable of reductions, which could not be contemplated at any former period of our history, unless it were possible to subtract tens from units.

The whole is stated up to the close of the first year after the peace as a saving of seventy millions. Is it fair to boast, that such reductions were never dreamed of, under any former administration? In the reign of George the Second, the average of the whole revenue did not exceed nine millions; in that of George the First, six millions and a half. Do ministers forget, that in the year 1814 the demands of government, exclusive of poor's rates, exceeded one hundred and thirty-seven millions, after Mr. Pitt had taken the whole income of Great Britain at less by thirty millions?

But exclusive of the interest of debt, to confine ourselves to the annual supply for ordinaries and extraordinaries, the estimate before the war was taken at twenty millions; can much be attributed to the provident hand of ministers in requiring, the second year, seven millions more, or twenty-seven millions, under a double pressure on the part of the public creditor?

So that, faithless to a treaty, after a war decidedly engaged in against the sense of the enlightened part of the country, too high spirited in herself to countenance arming a phalanx against the power of one soldier, raised from the ranks by his merit, a point of view in which it is but fair to consider it, and certainly enough to silence all claims to the glory of victory; can we sit quietly down under the weight of burdens in the proportion of near three to one?

I will not however withhold from ministers, on the face of these their own representations, which I have only faithfully transcribed, a just tribute to the manliness they have shown, so superior to themselves on most occasions, in having thrown down the gauntlet, and fairly invited these reflections on their own work.

It is true they have exhibited an elaborate picture; but, through the light thrown upon it in these pages, it will afford at least at

first glance great dissatisfaction in the public mind; and viewed more carefully, as we proceed to examine the back ground, it leaves few, and very faint traces of the fostering hand of government, while a glowing horizon still happily but too distantly presents itself, capable of answering to our most sanguine hopes.

During the year 1816, great praise is given to the chancellor of the exchequer for reducing the amount of the floating unfunded debt, and relieving the money market; but by proceeding you will clearly see it was only to make room for a renewed application to the very same fund the ensuing year; which year opened, as it seems," by a considerable deficiency, not less than ten per cent. of the whole amount of the public revenue:" and to show the unnatural state into which these transactions reduce the country, while the funds were experiencing an almost unprecedented rise, the poor's rates at least kept pace with them; and, compared with the year when Mr. Pitt first came into power, had risen so as to be nearly in the proportion of ten to one. This has no other than a tendency to show, how a gain to the few is a loss to the many, and that the effects of such a fluctuating state of things ought religiously to be avoided.

But, of all the pretences, that of commencing these boasted reductions at the first possible period is the most extraordinary. Was it before remonstrances were reiterated from the opposition side? Were not those, which have been at length acceded to, such as had been for the most part repeatedly refused?

Parliament, compelled by the general distress, which bore so hard upon the parishes, granted a power to relieve the laboring classes, by the application of a million and a half to the employment of the poor. Nothing is said of the application of this fund, therefore I pass it over in silence.

In enumerating the transactions of this year, the abolition of sinecures is among those, which ministers are pleased to throw in the teeth of opposition, as originating with them, and too insignificant in itself to merit their own particular attention. They com pute the amount in round figures at a simple 100,000l.; and have the effrontery to add, that "its value is nothing, and upon this score to nothing do they lay their claim." Can such language be tolerated, under their determination to pursue an economical regime ?

We are told," that the year 1818 opened under a more favorable aspect than the preceding;" and, goaded we may suppose under the lash of their political adversaries, "ministers found themselves in a condition of prosecuting their resolute purpose' of reducing the national expenditure." So far from this being acted upon, on the faith of their own statements, they could not

so much as return on their steps, for an increase will appear, on referring to the second chapter of this work.

But supposing the contrary, what were the consequences of this improved condition of the country? Did it strengthen the argument with the chancellor of the exchequer, to throw additional weight on posterity by exchanging three and a half for three per cents. ; in fact, no other than borrowing on a half per cent. stock, and still further increasing the interest of the public debt?—the effects of which were evidently more serious than paying a little more or less interest for a limited time upon the issue of exchequer bills. To say the least of it, how contemptible was such a proceeding under the delusive pretence of not adding to the nominal amount of the public debt.

Bystanders see through this quibbling and time-serving, which suit the Jews, the Stock Exchange, and the Bank, while the public are gulled. And it is unfortunately too true (I say it with proper feelings towards men blinded by their interests), that ministers and the monied men play with odds in their favor while the nation loses. The landed proprietors will soon awake from their slumbers, and find the king with barely a name, amusing himself with the mere orders, gewgaws, and insignia of royalty.

Were the public securities left quietly to themselves, to vibrate by natural causes, there would be fair dealing, and a just criterion formed of their real value, by the true test of public prosperity; while nostrums and quacks put nature out of her regular course. If men born and bred in the vortex of corruption looked beyond the moment, they would discover how this undue influence is calculated to deceive even themselves. The misfortune lies perhaps in the debt itself, and is therefore too deep for an immediate remedy. We have few proprietors of land not also largely concerned in the public funds, which neutralizes their powers and claims a divided interest.

It is necessary we should now proceed to the year 1819, when his majesty, then regent, was advised to "congratulate the country upon three new circumstances in the public condition, the withdrawing the army from France, the great reduction of the naval and military establishments, and the progressive improvement of the revenue in all its sources."

The first of these is represented to be a ground of exultation chiefly arising from the circumstance, that "the British government was, by the evacuation of France, necessarily relieved from much extraordinary expenditure, which could not be carried to the account of the payment and sustenance of the troops :" a declaration of so broad a nature, without condescending to enter the least into detail, has naturally excited so much curiosity and

suspicion, that it becomes an imperious duty in ministers to furnish their advocate, the author of the work before us, for the satisfaction of the public, with the fullest explanation on this head.

We shall merely refer to the second article, by questioning the disposition of those, to place things in a right light, who vaunt an excess of three millions and a half, in anticipation of a demand, which comes immediately upon them, of ten millions on the part of the Bank, the half of which was to be provided for this very year. But so far from "a progressive improvement of the revenue in all its sources," let us compare it with the demands upon it. "The ordinary and extraordinary service of the year was a small excess above thirty millions."

So far from a principle of reduction having effected, as they say, an "aggregate saving on the whole of the estimates, on the account for the year, of above half a million," whoever will take pains to refer to their own statement on the preceding page, will be surprised to find, that in the department of miscellanies there is an evident increase of at least 280,000l., and that, adding the several items together, the augmentation amounts at least to 146,0002. (but this will appear better hereafter), besides the interest of exchequer bills for the service of the year.

Whose influence was it in the finance committee, which led to the advice of imposing, after years of peace, new taxes to the amount of 3,000,000l., added to the boasted surplus in the consolidated fund? Secondly, the application of twelve millions of a sacred deposit, more than six-sevenths of its acknowledged amount, and the only honest pledge given of a design to relieve posterity from a burden, which, they pretend at least, they will consider as much their duty to bear, as if it had been contracted by themselves; whether they really do or not will hereafter appear. But it must be further matter of surprise, that these several means, so unprecedented in their nature, were found insufficient in themselves, without recourse to the old leaven of loans and exchequer bills.

On the subject of the taxes, considered in their own nature, can we receive any satisfaction in being told, that of four out of five of these new taxes the chancellor of the exchequer, like a charlatan at a fair, took the money from our pockets without our perceiving it? that he made such a curious selection of the subject matter upon which they were imposed, that the burden is in practice so insensibly felt, that not one person out of five hundred can enumerate the subjects taxed? If we are to pay taxes, like other charges on our establishment, for God's sake let us face the collector: he shall enter by day, rather than like a thief in the night, and open our cellars and storehouses in our presence. Though,