requisite for the managing of their affairs, and to make laws and ordinances, not contrary to the laws and statutes of the realm, for the good of the said company and the government of their lands and plantations, and the inhabitants thereof. They were allowed to transport persons, whether subjects or strangers, weapons, merchandize, &c. any law to the contrary notwiths standing-such was the dispensing power the king assumed. He also exempted them from paying custom or subsidy for seven years; the governor and company, their factors and assigns; were to pay neither that nor any taxes IN New-England for the same space. All were freed from duties upon goods imported or exported for 21 years, except the old 5 per cent. custom upon imports after the expiration of the seven years. All his majesty's subjects going to and inhabiting the company's lands, together with their children, were to enjoy all the liberties of free and natural subjects within any of his dominions, the same as though born in England. The king could mean only, that, by removing to and residing in the Massachusetts, they should not forfeit for themselves or children the privileges of Englishmen, and be treated as foreigners; and not, that they should be governed by laws and officers of their own making or choosing, personally or by representation; for they were evidently distinguished from the governor and company (of whom it appears to be supposed, that they were to remain in England) as these were authorized to administer the oaths of supremacy and allegiance to all and every person or persons, who should hereafter go to inhabit the lands and premises of the company. Beside, the governor and company were entrusted with the power of making laws, ordinances, &c. not contrary to the laws of England; of settling the government and magistracy of the plantation; and its inhabitants; of naming all the offi cers; and of setting forth their several duties, powers and limits; and the king commanded that all such laws, ordinances, &c. should be published, in writing, under the common seal of the company, and thereupon be carefully observed and put into execution, according to their true meaning. The charter* does not once mention liberty of conscience or toleration; tho' onet historian has inadvertently advanced, that " free liberty of conscience was likewise granted to all who should settle in the Massachusetts-Bay, to worship God in their own way;" and another‡," the charter granted toleration to all christians, except papists." The assertions apply only to the charter granted by king William and queen Mary. *See the Charter in Hutchinson's Collection of papers, p I.-23. [April 30, 1629.] The company, in the exercise of their chartered powers, determined that a governor and council of twelve, residing on the plantations, should have the sole ordering of its affairs and government. They appointed Captain Endicott governor, and seven gentlemen going from England to be counsellors, and directed how the other five should be elected, together with a deputy-governor and secratary. Messrs. Higginson, Skelton, Bright, John and Samuel Browne were of the seven counsellors nominated by the company. The three first, being ministers, had declared themselves to be of one judgment, and to be fully agreed on the manner how to exercise their ministry. The company's committee in the letter to governor Endicott, expressed good hopes on account of it; and at the same time recommended Messrs. John and Samuel Browne as men who they much respected, being fully persuaded of their sincere affections to the good of the plantation.* The ministers and passengers coming to settle in it were episcopally inclined when they left England, though they could not conform to many ceremonies and customs, nor submit to what they jud ged different corruptions, imposed upon their consciences by the king and prelates. They were also strongly prejudiced against the separatists in which class the Plymouthians were numbered. But long before they arrived, or even sailed, a Dr. Fuller, a deacon of the church at Plymouth, and well versed in its discipline, having been sent for, on account of a fatal sickness which broke out among the emigrants after their arrival at Salem, had, by his conversation with Captain Endicott, taken off the ill effect of common report, and brought him to think favorably of the outward form of worship espoused by the Plymouthians. The influence of the doctor's intercourse with the Salem settlers cannot be thought to have been confined to the Captain. When the business of organizing a church was brought forward after the arrival of the consellors, the matter was frequently canvassed, and at length it was determined to form it, nearly upon the plan of the one at Plymouth; and to invite the latter to be present by their messengers, at the solemn ordination of the ministers Messrs. Skelton and Higginson, [August 6.] Notwithstanding cross winds the Plymouth messengers were time enough to give the right hand of fellowship, by which ceremony the two churches professed mutual affection and communion. Probably none of the newly arrived settlers had the least idea of such ecclesiastic proceedings, when they left England; but thought very differently. Some continued to do so; for Mr. Bright, disagreeing in judgment from the other ministers, re* Suffolk Recordsa VOL. I. D moved moved to a distance before their ordination; and Messrs. John and Samuel Browne, dissatisfied with the proceedings of the society, separated with several who were like minded, and set up another. Governor Endicott, being of a hot temper, and not possessed of the greatest prudence, summoned the brothers before him as ringleaders of a faction; and apprehending that their conversation and conduct would occasion divisions, sent them back to England, against their own inclination notwithstanding their being counsellors, thinking himself justified by his public orders. Let us return to the company in England. [July 28.] Mr. Matthew Craddock, the governor, proposed at the general court, that, for the advancement of the plantation, the encouragement of persons of worth and quality to transplant themselves and families, and other weighty reasons, the government of the plantation should be transferred to its inhabitants, and not be continued in subordination to the company at London. The matter was debated; and it was agreed, that the persons present should seriously consider the business against the next general court; it was also requested, that they would in the mean while, conduct with that privacy, that the affair might not be divulged. At a month's end they met, and consented that the government and patent should be settled in NewEngland, if it could be done legally. They soon after received letters respecting the difference between governor Endicott and Messrs. John and Samuel Browne; and fearing that these two had in their private letters defamed the plantation, they opened and read a number of them, and ordered that none from Mr. Samuel Browne should be delivered; however, upon application from the brothers, they directed that they should have a copy of the accusation sent against them from New-England. The company's letter upon this business one to Messrs. Skelton and Higginson, and another to governor Endicott, intimated, that there had been in the parties addressed a degree of intemperance; that direct or oblique espersions had been thrown out against the state; and that undigested counsels had been too suddenly put into execution. They besides expressed an apprehension, lest through an ill construction, the same might make the company obnoxious to any adversary.* The difference that happened in the plantation, the treatment of the Brownes, and the reports circulated by them, undoubtedly occasioned much talk. Many would think it strange, that, while the charter was totally silent upon the head of religion, and several of the grantees and company though strongly opposed to Suffolk Records. the the tyrannies of the high-churchmen, were real episcopalians, persons of this profession should be debarred the right of worshiping according to their own judgment and consience, and be even expelled the plantation. These occurrences most probably forwarded the plan of. Mr. Craddock. The advice of learned council was ordered to be taken, and it was considered how to execute the projected removal without offending government. Among the other weighty reasons which induced them tox remove, we must include the hope of getting beyond the reach of Laud and the high commissoned court: for the Massachusetts: general court declared in 1651, "That sceing just cause to fear the persecution of the then Bishop and high commission, for not conforming to the ceremonies, they thought it their safest course to get to this outside of the world (America) out of their view, and beyond their reach. [October 20.] The company, at a general court, proceeded to a new election of officers, who were to repair to and settle in New-England. They chose for governor John Winthrop, esq of Groton, in Suffolk, a gentleman well known for his piety, liberality, wisdom and gravity. The business of transferring the patent and corporation, and of taking over new settlers, was prosecuted with vigor. The enterprise produced a general rumour, as its extent and magnitude, the number and principles of the person engaging in it, opened upon the public. The intentions of the parties being suspected, and jealousies arising concerning them, governor Winthrop and other gentlemen, to remove prejudices, conciliate the minds of the disaffected, and recommend themselves and their expedition to the favourable regards of all serious christians of the episcopal persuasion, addressed their brethren in and of the church of England, [ April 7, 1630.] and afterwards sailed from Yarmouth in the isle of Wight, for America. The signers of the address, pray in the most solemn manner to be considered as their brethren, and desire it to be noted, that the principals and body of their company es teem it their honour to call the church of ENGLAND their dear mother. They acknowledge, that such hope and part as they have obtained in the common salvation, they have received in her bosom, and sucked from her breasts. They declare themselves members of her body; and that, while they have breath, they shall sincerely endeavour her welfare. They pronounce themselves a church springing out of her own bowels. Their professions are made in the strongest language.* [June 12.] The company arrived at Salem; and soon were in number. more than fifteen hundred persons from different Hutchinfon's Hiftory, Vol. L p. 48%, counties counties in England. Thy applyed themselves early to the forming of churches; but, the Rev. Mr. Cotton (who come from Boston in Lincolnshire to take leave of his departing friends at Southampton) having told them to advise with the Plymouthzans and to do nothing to offend them, and a precedent existing in the church at Salem, they dismissed all the peculiarities of episcopacy, and preferred the congregational mode in general. However, they had no settled plan of church-discipline till after the arrival of Mr. Cotton, [1633.] who was considerd as a kind of oracle in both civil and sacred matters, and gradually moulded all their church administrations, and thus determined the ecclesiastic constitution of the colony; therein verifying what Mr. Robinson had judiciously predicted, when he said "Many of those who have both wrote and preached against me and my people, were they in a place where they could have liberty and live comfortably, should do as we do."** 66 Governor Winthrop inserted in his manuscript history, a couple of anecdotes, of an earlier date than Mr. Cotton's arrival, which may amuse you. July 30, 1631, Mr. Ludlow, in digging the foundation of his house at Dorchester, found two pieces of French money, one was coined 1596. They were in several places, above a foot within the firm ground." June 13, 1632, At Watertown there was in the view of divers wit nesses, a great combat between a mouse and snake; and after a long fight, the mouse prevailed and killed the snake." The minister of Boston, Mr Wilson a very sincere holy man, gives this interpretation-" The snake is the devil, the mouse is a poor contemptable people whom God has brought hither, and who shall overcome Satan here, and dispossess him of his kingdom." "At the same time he told the governor, that before he resolved to come into the country, he dreamed that he was here, and saw a church arise out of the earth, which grew up and became a marvellous goodly church." He might think his dream divine; but it is easily accounted for as a common event, arising with the church-building out of a lively imagination, warmed and directed by a preponderating inclination. If, instead of interpreting the combat, he had only mentioned, that the event suggested to him such thoughts, and such an improvement, he would have evidenced more judgment and an equal degree of wisdom in seizing the happy circumstance. The colony increased apace, by frequent and numerous ac cessions. But" it appears by private letters, that the departure of so many of the best, both ministers and private christians, did breed sad thoughts in those behind of the Lord's intention in *Prince's Chronology, p. 238, the |