Before the Virginians had finished their fort, the French came upon them, drove them out of the country, and erected a regular fort on the very spot where they had been at work. The consent of the Indian warriors had not been gained by the Virginians, or they would have supported the British against the French attack.

These proceedings of the French galled the British ministry. The Ohio Company whose schemes were now demolished, was their fondling. They could not submit to have their friends so treated; and therefore no sooner had they the news, than it was resolved to instruct the colonies to oppose the French encroachments by force of arms. The instructions were received at Virginia early in the spring of 1754. The Virginians applied to the other colonies for additional troops. Captain James Mackay, with his independent company, upon the first order marched with the utmost expedition from South Carolina to their assistance. Without waiting for two independent companies from New-York, who were likewise ordered to assist them, the Virginians resolved by themselves with Mackay's company, to oppose the French encroachments; and sent off that and three hundred men raised by the colony, under the command of late major, but now colonel Washington. An engagement ensued between a party of French from fort Du Quesne, whom colonel Washington attacked and defeated, on the twenty-eight of May -which put Mr. de Villier upon marching down against him with 900 men besides Indians, and attacking him on the third of July. Washington made so brave a defence behind a small incomplete intrenchment, called fort Necessity, that Villier seeing what desperate men he had to deal with, and desirous of saving his own, offered him an honorable capitulation; but the French officer was careful, in forming the articles, to throw the blame of the war upon the British, and to make it thought that they were the agressors.

The lords commissioners for trade and plantations, had also recommended to the several colonies, to appoint commsssioners to meet each other. Their Lordships designed, that there should be a general league of friendship, between all the colonies, and the Indians, in his majesty's name. The Massachusetts general court not only acceded to the proposal, but both houses desired his excellency, governor Shirley (April 10.) "to pray his majesty, that affairs which relate to the six nations and their allies may be put under some general direction as his majesty shall think proper; that the several governors may be obliged to bear their proportions of defending his majesty's teritories aVOL. I.

M

gainst

gainst the encroachments of the French, and the ravages and incursions of the Indians."

[July.] A general meeting of the governors and chief men from several of the colonies, was held at Albany. At this congress, the commissioners were unanimously of opioion, that an union of all the colonies was absolutely necessary for their common defence. The plan was, in short, "That a grand council should be formed of members, to be chosen by the assemblies, and sent from all the colonies; which council, together with a governor-general to be appointed by the crown, should be empowered to make general laws, to raise money in all the colonies for the defence of the whole." It was drawn up by Mr. Hutchinson, was accepted, and sent home. Had it been approved and established, British America thought itself suf ficiently able to cope with the French without further assistance; several of the colonies, in former years, having alone withstood the enemy, unassisted not only by the mother country, but by any of the neighbouring provinces. A stamp act was talked of among the commissioners, of which number was Mr. (now Dr.) Franklin, one of the three from Pennsylvania; and it was thought a proper mode of taxing; under the apprehension, that in its operation it would affect the several governments fairly and equally. The idea of a stamp act had been held out, so early as 1739, in two publications drawn up by a club of American merchants at the head of whom were Sir William Keith, governor. of Pennsylvania, Mr. Joshua Gee, and many others. They proposed, for the protection of the British tradors among the Indi ans, the raising a body of regulars, to be stationed all along the western frontier of the British settlements; and that the expence should be paid from the monies arising from a duty on stamp paper and parchment in all the colonies to be laid on them by act of parliament. The congress-plan was not agreeable to the views of ministry; another was proposed-"That the go vernors of all the colonies, attended by one or two members of their respective councils, should assemble, concert measures for the defence of the whole, erect forts where they judged proper, and raise what troops they thought necessary, with power to draw upon the British treasury for the sums that should be wanted; and the treasury to be re-imbursed by a tax laid on the colonies. by an act of parliament." When you are reminded, that the governors and councils were chiefly of the king's appointing, you will be apt to view the scheme as a most subtle and dangerous contrivance, to provide for favorites, to sap the liberties of the Americans, and eventually to chain them down to the most ab ject slavery. Had the congress plan met with the countenance of ministry,

minstry, it might have been adopted after a while; though of that, it appeared, there could be no certainty; for when the governor laid it before the Massachusetts assembly in October, the assembly determined, not to give it the least countenance. The ministerial plan was transmitted to governor Shirley, who was known to be for the British parliament's laying the tax. It was communicated by him to Mr. Franklin, then at his native place, Boston, who soon returned it with a few short remarks, and the next day sent the governor the following letter, vize

SIR,

Wednesday morning, Dec. 1754

I mentioned it yesterday to your excellency, as my opinion, that excluding the people of the colonies from all share in the choice of the grand council, would probably give extreme dissatisfaction, as well as the taxing them by an act of parliament, where they have no representative. In matters of general concern to the people and especially where burthens are to be laid upon them, it is of use to consider, as well what they will be apt to think and say, as what they ought to think; I shall therefore, as your excellency requires it of me, briefly incntion what of either kind occurs to me on this occasion.

First, they will say, and perhaps with justice, that the body of the people in the colonies are as loyal, and as firmly attached to the present constitution and reigning family, as any subjects in the king's dominions:

That there is no reason to doubt the readiness and willingness of the representatives they may choose, to grant from time to time such supplies for the defence of the country, as shall be judged necessary, so far as their abilities will allow :

That the people in the colonics, who are to feel the immediate mischiefs of invasion and conquest by an enemy, in the loss of their estates, lives and liberties, are likely to be better judges of the quantity of forces necessary to be raised and maintained, forts to be built and supported, and of their own abilities to bear the expence, than the parliament of England at so great a distance:

The governors often come to the colonies merely to make fortunes with which they intend to return to Britain; are not always men of the best abilities or integrity; have many of them no estates here, nor any natural connections with us, that should make them heartily concerned for our welfare; and might possibly be fond of raising and keeping up more forces than necessary, from the profits accruing to themselves, and to make provision for their friends and dependants:

That

That the counsellors in most of the colonies being appointed by the crown, on the recommendation of governors, are often of small estates, frequently dependent on the governors for offices, and therefore too much under influence;

That there is, therefore, great reason to be jealous of a power in such governors and councils, to raise such sums as they shall judge necessary, by draft on the lords of the treasury, to be afterward laid on the colonies by act of parliament, and paid by the people here; since they might abuse it, by projecting useless expeditions, harrassing the people, and taking them from their labour to execute such projects, merely to create offices and employments, and gratify their dependants, and divide profits:

That the parliament of England is at a great distance, subject to be misinformed and misled by such governors and councils, whose united interests might probably secure them against the effect of any complaint from hence :

That it is supposed to be an undoubted right of Englishmen not to be taxed but by their own consent given through their representatives :

That the colonies have no representatives in parliament:

That to propose taxing them by parliament, and refuse them the liberty of choosing a representative council, to meet in the colonies, and consider and judge of the necessity of any general tax, and the quantum, shows a suspicion of their loyalty to the crown, of their regard for their country, or of their common sense and understanding, which they have not deserved:

That compelling the colonies to pay money without their consent, would be rather like raising contributions in an enemy's country, than taxing Englishmen for their own public benefit: That it would be treating them as a conquered people, and not as true British subjects:

That a tax laid by the representatives of the colonies might casily be lessened, as the occasion should lessen; but being once laid by parliament, under the influence of the representations made by governors, would probably be kept up, and continued for the benefit of governors, to the grievous burden and discouragement of the colonics, and prevention of their growth and increase :

That a power in governors to march the inhabitants from one end of the British and French colonies to the other, being a country of at least 1500 square miles, without the approbation or consent of their representatives first obtained, might occasion expeditions grievous and ruinous to the people, and would put them upon a footing with the subjects of France in Canada, that now groan under such oppression from their governor, who for

two

two years passed, has harrassed them with long and destructive marches to the Ohio :

That, it the colonies in a body may be well governed by governors and councils appointed by the crown without representatives, particular colonies may as well, or better, be so governed: a tax may be laid on them all by act of parliament for support of government, and their assemblies be dismissed as an useless part of the constitution:

That the powers proposed by the Albany plan of union, to be vested in a grand representative council of the people, even with regard to military matters, are not so great as those of the colonies of Rhode-Island and Connecticut are entrusted with by their charter, and have never abused: for by this plan, the president general is appointed by the crown, and controuls all by his negative; but in these governments the people choose the governor, and yet allow him no negative :

That the British colonies bordering on the French, are properly frontiers of the British empire; and the frontiers of an empire are properly defended at the joint expence of the body of the people in such empire. It would now be thought hard, by act of parliament, to oblige the cinque ports, or sea coasts of Britain to maintain the whole navy, because they are more immediately defended by it; not allowing them at the same time, a vote in choosing the members of parliament; and if the frontiers in America must bear the expence of their own defence, it seems hard to allow them no share in voting the money, judging of the necessity and sum, or advising the measures:

That besides the taxes necessary for the defence of the frontiers, the colonies pay yearly great sums to the mother country unnoticed; for taxes paid in Britain, by the landholder or artificer, must enter into and increase the price of the produce of land, and of manufactures made of it; and great part of this is paid by consumers in the colonies, who thereby pay a considerable part of the British taxes.

We are restrained in our trade with foreign nations; and where we could be supplied with any manufacture cheaper from them, but must buy the same dearer from Britain, the difference of price is a clear tax to Britain. Ware obliged to carry great part of our produce directly to Britain, and wherein the duties there laid upon it lessen its price to the planter, or it sells for less than it would in foreign markets, the defference is a tax paid to Britain.

Some manufactures we could make, but are fobidden, and must take of British merchants; the whole price of these is a tax paid to Britain.

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