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534. The Minister of Exterior Relations to Mr. Livingston,
6th Sept. 1804– Translation 535. Mr. Livingston to Mr. Madison,
14th Sept. 1804–Extract. 556. Mr. Armstrong to Mons. Barbe Marbois,
20th May, 1805 do. · 537. Mr. Skipwith to the Secretary of State,
1st Jan. 1804 do. 538. Same to Citizen Berlier, 18th Jan. 1804–Translation, 539. Proces verbal of the session of the Council of Prizes,
1st Feb. 1804-Extract. Trans. 540. Citizen Berlier to Mr. Skipwith,
15th Feb. 1804–Translation, 541. Mr. Skipwith to Mr. Livingston,
220 June, 1804 do. 542. Mr. Livingston to Mr. Skipwith,
25th June, 1804. 543. Mr. Skipwith to Mr. Livingston,
28th June, 1804. 544. Same to the Secretary of State,
18th July, 1804-Extract. 545. Same to Mr. Armstrong, 20 Jan. 1805 546. Mr. Delagrange to Mr. Barnet,
9th Jan. 1806
No. 1. Mr. Morris, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to France, to Mr. Jefferson, Secretary of State, dated
PARIS, 10th July, 1792.
(No. 4)—Extract. “I have also repeatedly called the Minister's attention to the obnoxious acts of the late assembly, and to their proposition of a new commercial treaty. He has replied, very candidly, that, for himself, he should be glad to settle every thing to my satisfaction, but that his ministerial existence is too precarious to undertake any extensive plan; that the attention of the Government is turned too strongly towards itself, (in the present moment,) to think of its exterior interests; and, that the assembly, at open war with the executive, would certainly reject whatever should now be presented to them. These are truths which I knew before ; and therefore I thought it best not to urge too strongly for a decision, in the unpropitious moment."
(No. 8. -Mr. Morris to Mr. Jefferson, dated Paris, 22d August, 1792.
66 The day before yesterday the British Ambassador received a dispatch from his court, which he immerliately transmitted to the present Minister of Foreign Affairs, and, at the same time, asked for passports.
This dispatch has not yet beën communicated to the Assembly, because it runs rather counter to expectations which had been raised, and, of course, the public mind is not duly prepared. The purport of this dispatch is, that Britain has determined on a strict neutrality; that she means to preserve it, and, therefore, as his letters of credence are to the King now dethroned, he had best come away. To this is subjoined a hope, that nothing will happen to the King, or his family, because that would excite the indignation of all Europe.
This dispatch, turned into plain English, is, shortly, that the British Court resent what is already done, and will make war immediately, if the treatment of the King be such as to call for, or to justily, measures of extremity.”
(No. 14.)-Mr. Morris to Mr. Jefferson, datod Paris, 21st Dec. 1792
“Such, my dear sir, is the foreign storm lowering over this country; in which you will see that my predictions, respecting corn, have been, hitherto, exactly verified. How they are to obtain supplies from abroad, in the face of the maritime powers, I own myself at a loss to conjecture. It is, nevertheless, in this awful moment, and immediately after expediting the orders to recruit their army to 600,000 effectives, in order to sustain the land war, that they affect to wish Britain would declare against them, and actually menace (as you see) the government with an appeal to the nation. There are cases in which events must decide on the quality of actions; which are bold or rash, according to the success.
The circumstance of a war with Britain becomes important to us in more cases than one. The question respecting the guarantee of American possessions, may, perhaps, be agitated; especially if France should attempt to defend her Islands. There will, doubtless, be many in the United States who will contend that the Treaty, made with the King, is, at least, suspended, (if not abrogated,) by the abrogation of his office and authority. Without entering into the numerous arguments on this subject, some of them forcible, and all of them plausible, I will only pray your indulgence while I express my wish that all our treaties, (however onerous,) may be strictly fulfilled, according to their true intent and meaning. The honest nation is that which, like the honest man,
“ Hath to its plighted faith and vow, forever firmly stood,
“ And, tho' it promise to its loss, yet makes that promise good." I fel, nevertheless, the full force of your observation, that, until the nation shall have adopted some regular form of government, we may not know in what matter, or to what persons, our obligations are to be acquitted."
EXTRACT. “I consider a war between Britain and France as inevitable. The continental Powers opposed to France are making great and prompt efforts; while, on this side, I, as yet, see but little done to oppose them.,
There is a treaty on foot" (I believe) between England and Austria, whose object is the dismemberment of France. I have not proof, but some very leading circumstances.' Britain will, I think, suspend her blow till she can strike very hard ; unless, indeed, they should think it advisable to seize the moment of indignation against late events, for a declaration of war. This is not, I think, improbable, because it may be coupled with those general declarations against all Kings, under the name of tyrants, which contain a determination to destroy them, and the threat, that, if the Ministers of England presume to declare war, an appeal shall be made to the people, at the head of an invading army. Of course, a design may be exhibited of entering into the heart of Great Britain, to overturn the Constitution, destroy the rights of property, and, finally, to dethrone and murder the King. All which are things the English will neither approve of nor submit to."
No. 5. (No. 18.)-Mr. Morris to Mr. Jefferson, dated Paris, 13th February,
“My last, No. 18, was of the 25th of January. Since it was written, I have had every reason to believe that the execution of Louis XVI. has produced on foreign nations the effect which I had imagined. The war with England exists, and it is now proper, perhaps, to consider its consequences: to which effect we must examine the objects likely to be pursued by England; for, in this country, notwithstanding the gasconades, a defensive war is prescribed by necessity. Many suppose that the French Colonies will be attacked ; but this I do not believe. It is, indeed, far from improbable, that a British garrison may be thrown into Martinique ; but, as to St. Domingo, it would require more men than can be spared to defend it, and as much money as it is worth. Besides which, there are higher considerations to be attended to. In one shape or other, this nation will make a bankruptcy. The mode now talked of, is to pay off the debt in a species of paper-money which shall be receivable for the sales of confiscated property, and which shall bear no interest. When once the whole of the debt shall be fairly afloat, the single word depreciation will settle all accounts. You will say, perhaps, that this measure is unjust; but to this I answer, that, in popular Governments, strongly convulsed, it is a sufficient answer to all arguments, that the measure proposed is for the public good. Supposing, then, the debt of France thus liquidated, she presents a rich surface, covered with above twenty millions of People, who love war better than labor. Be the form of Government what it may, Administration will find war abroad necessary to preserve peace at home. The neighbours of France must, therefore, con