lived, on other men's labor, without putting their hands to anything, were the greatest nuisances to society.

Mr. McKIм opposed the bill, and explained the contents of certain evidence which had been read to the House. He had no idea, he remarked, as his colleague appeared to think, that real gentlemen were a nuisance to society.

Mr. KEY opposed the bill argumentatively. He stated the amount of banking capital already in issue in the District at $4,500,0000; which sum, he said, divided among the male inhabitants of the District, over the age of twenty-one, would produce an astonishing sum for each individual of that description. He went, at length, into a detail of the commercial and banking operations of the District from his reasoning on which, he came to a conclusion that an additional banking capital was wholly unnecessary.

Mr. BOYD wished that there was not a bank in the United States; but since there was, he could not see why from one association of individuals a privilege should be withheld which had been extended to another. He was in favor of the bill for that reason, on which, and other points, he expatiated at considerable length. He never did vote for a bank before. He was an enemy to the system; but he could not arrest it; and as these persons were certainly as well entitled to favor as any who had been incorporated, he was desirous to place them on the same footing with

others.

Mr. GHOLSON again spoke against the bill. His objections were not to the petitioners personally, but to the extension of the banking system beyond its present bounds.

Mr. SMILIE and Mr. LITTLE also spoke in favor of the bill, the latter of whom gave a history of the rise and progress of the Mechanics' Bank of Baltimore. He was inimical in principle to the banking system. But it exists; and it is proper that protection should be extended as well to mechanics as to other classes of society.

Mr. BASSETT opposed the bill at some length. Mr. NEWTON took the other side of the question, and said he should, with pleasure, vote for a bill going to place the mechanic on an equal footing with the merchant, and he wished to God that his vote could effect the same equality throughout the United Sates.

The question on the passage of the bill was then carried-yeas 51, nays 36, as follows:

YEAS-Willis Alston, jr., William Anderson, David Bard, William W. Bibb, Adam Boyd, Robert Brown, Matthew Clay, James Cochran, Lewis Condict, William Crawford, Roger Davis, John Dawson, Samuel Dinsmoor, Elias Earle, William Findley, James Fisk, Peterson Goodwyn, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, Aylett Hawes, Jacob Hufty, John M. Hyneman, Richard Jackson, jun., Joseph Kent, Abner Lacock, Joseph Lefever, Peter Little, Nathaniel Macon, Thomas Moore, William McCoy, James Morgan, Hugh Nelson, Thomas Newton, Stephen Ormsby, James Pleasants, junior, Samuel Ringgold, John Rhea, John Roane, Jonathan Roberts, Ebenezer Sage, John Sevier, Samuel Shaw, George

MAY, 1812.

Smith, Philip Stuart, John Taliaferro, Charles Turner, jun., Robert Whitehill, David R. Williams, and Robert Wright.

NAYS-Stevenson Archer, Burwell Bassett, James Breckenridge, Elijah Brigham, William A. Burwell, Langdon Cheves, John Clopton, John Davenport, jr., Joseph Desha, William Ely, Thomas Gholson, Isaiah L. Green, Philip B. Key, Robert Le Roy Livingston, Aaron Lyle, Samuel McKee, Alexander McKim, Arunah Metcalf, Samuel L. Mitchill, Jeremiah Morrow, Pitkin, junior, Benjamin Pond, William Reed, WilJoseph Pearson, Israel Pickens, Wm. Piper, Timothy liam Rodman, Thomas Sammons, John Smilie, Richard Stanford, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, Uri Tracy, George M. Troup, Leonard White, and Thomas Wilson.

RECALL OF ABSENTEES.

Mr. WILLIAMS said he rose to make a motion, the object of which was in itself so clear, that he believed there was no necessity for illustrating it. There was but one objection that he was aware of, and that was, that there was no precedent for it; but if that should be urged, he would reply that there never was before a crisis requiring it. The motion was

Resolved, That the Speaker be directed to address a letter to each member of the House now absent, requesting his attendance prior to the first day of June.

Mr. GRUNDY said, the object of the motion, no doubt, was a correct one. He should, therefore, vote for the motion as it now stood, but would prefer a modification of it. On what particular day it would be proper to have every member in his place, could not be foreseen with certainty by any one. To fix on a day, however, would be as much as to tell the members we do not want them earlier, and would put it out of our power to act prior to that day. But, on the other hand, should we not be ready to act on that day, is it not pledging ourselves that we will then act, whether we are ready or not? It would be as well to request the attendance of members immediately, and then we shall not stand committed either to act on or before that day. He hoped there would not be an absent man on the occasion of voting the final measure; though he should consider such a vote as a completion of what was already begun, and not a determination of the course to be pursued, which question he considered as decided in the anterior measures already adopted.

Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS declined modifying his tween its present language and that which it was motion, because he considered the difference beproposed to give it, more a difference in words than in fact. The passage of the resolution in its present form would not commit the House in any way; it was nothing but the expression of the opinion of the House, that the state of things required the presence of every member of the House here.

Mr. LITTLE said, that specifying the time, in his opinion, would appear to be an indication that, on that day, some decisive measure would be before the House. Most of the members could not reach this place on that day, and perhaps

might not thereafter come, supposing it to be unnecessary, as the day would have passed to which they were summoned.

Mr. KEY spoke in favor of fixing on a day certain.

Mr. GRUNDY said the House ought not only to not commit itself, but should also have a regard to the public feeling which would be excited. Would not the passage of this resolution in its present form be an indication to our enemy? He wished not to see public expectation among our own people wound up and then relaxed, as it would be if they should not act on the day fixed on. Wishing the absent members to be recalled on the ground of the general importance of the crisis, he wished not to fix a specific day for their return, and therefore moved to strike out "the first day of June," and insert "as soon as practicable." Mr. NEWTON was satisfied with the motion in its present form, as it afforded no pledge to act on the day named. He was even ready to require and compel, instead of requesting, the attendance of members. The absentees were intelligent men, and well knew that no final step could be taken on that day; because they were acquainted with the usual course of proceeding in this House. and must know that a deluge of words would be uttered on any decisive measures proposed, before its adoption could take place.

The question on Mr. GRUNDY's motion was then decided in the negative-ayes 42, noes 44. Mr. NELSON regretted that he was compelled to differ from his friend on this question, but the view he had taken of the subject led him to suppose that it would be improper to adopt the resolution. What would be its effect? he asked. Either that we do not want these gentlemen, or we want them to such an extent that we cannot proceed without them. I take the first part of the proposition, that, having given them leave of absence, we do not want them, because no member could have left his seat unconscious of the course which the deliberations of Congress would take. Suppose the members to whom your missal is addressed should disregard it. Must we send the Sergeant-at-Arms to spend weeks or months in compelling the attendance of those who ought not to have abandoned their seats? Will gentlemen consent to a resolution which shall hold out the idea that their exertions could be paralyzed by the absence of a few members? Those who were absent had taken on themselves the responsibility of their absence. Mr. N. said he was content, reduced as was the number now present, to go on. He would not seek the aid of those who had turned their backs on the House in the present crisis. Let us go on; let us not hesitate, nor wait for a particular day; but, when it is announced by the Executive that he is ready to strike, let the Legislative Council of the nation direct the blow. The few who remain are competent to consummate the object, and the absence of others ought not to stop our progress. If the burden be thrown on our shoulders, let us manfully bear it, without calling on others to assist us.

H. OF R.

Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said he had no intention to hold out the idea that the House could not act without the absentees; and it was impossible that the resolution could have such an effect. What is the language of it? Is it peremptory? Is there an idea conveyed in those words that the Sergeant-at-Arms is to go after these men because we cannot act without them? We are to presume that those who are absent have obtained leave from indispensable reasons. They have not gone home so very conscious of the result of our deliberations as the gentleman supposes, for no man can say with certainty what will be the result. I for one, sir, do feel and tremble for the result. Notwithstanding my anxiety that it shall be in one way, I am not conscious how it will be, although I hope in God it will be as I wish it. The people of the United States have been amused, betrayed, deceived into a belief that you dare not act with decision. The passage of the resolution will have one good effect-to stop our merchants in their mad career. It is a premonition to them, in addition to the embargo, of the course about to be taken. When we assume a determined attitude, there is no man who would wish to be absent. This resolution is only declaratory of what is the sense of the House. I wish to screen the Administration and the Republicans in Congress from the malicious censure which would be thrown upon us if we act decis ively without previous notice. It would, in such case, be said it was a sectional course; that some members have gone home, and you have seized the opportunity of their absence. Adopt this, and we are placed on fair ground. It will also relieve the House from the responsibility of the absence of its members, and places it, where it ought to rest, on the absentees, some of whom I know have gone home under the impression that we shall not take a decisive course. I tell the gentleman from Virginia, and I tell the nation, that the pledge, that on the removal of the embargo we will go to war, I will redeem, if there be but a bare quorum present. I, for one, will act, whether the absentees return or not; but I had rather they should be present, and therefore I would warn them here.

Mr. WRIGHT said it was fair that every member should have notice that his attendance was wished, and they would doubtless generally return, as the honorable mover of the resolution himself had done; he had obtained leave of absence for the session, but had returned as soon as he possibly could despatch the urgent concerns which had called him home. Our affairs had attained a crisis in which every man ought to be at his post. I hope they will have notice, and that the opposition will not be suffered to have it in their power to say that we could not obtain a declaration of war until a certain portion of the members had gone home. Can we be afraid of telling our enemy of our intentions? Have we not levied 25,000 regulars, many volunteers, &c. and could these indications be mistaken? No, sir; I hope that on the 4th day of June, the day on which King George III was born, we shall

act. The people are tired of suspense. If we have but a bare quorum, the gentleman from Virginia is prepared to act when the Executive is ready; and, if he be not ready, I would strike before we are ready; because, like a new married couple going to house-keeping, I believe we ought to prepare more necessaries in one week after we begin, than in four weeks before.

Mr. RHEA wished some more compulsory mode adopted of recalling the absentees. If a sense of their own duty, the declarations of their friends, and the admonitions of their constituents, had not been sufficient to induce their return, he doubted the efficacy of this notice. Every gentleman could write to his friends, which would have the same effect; even this discussion would be ample notice. He was willing to require their attendance, but did not care about requesting it.

Mr. ROBERTS said, the call of the House met his perfect approbation; but, in its present form, he should be constrained to vote against it. He was not afraid that it would be considered a pledge to act on a certain day; but that members near home, after it was passed, would take the opportunity of the interval to visit their homes, and leave the House without a quorum. He, therefore, moved to amend the resolution, so as to request the attendance of the members forthwith. This motion was agreed to-ayes 47. After some objections by Mr. STANFORD to the phraseology of the resolution, it was passed without a division, there not being more perhaps than five dissenting voices.

THURSDAY, May 14.

Mr. TURNER presented a petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Plymouth, in the State of Massachusetts, stating the many and deleterious acts consequent upon a war with Great Britain, and praying Congress to repeal the law prohibiting importations from Great Britain; to repeal the act laying an embargo; "and impartially to contrast the injuries received from Great Britain with the monstrous aggressions of France, and, by the exercise of a dignified magnanimity, to arrest the impending devastations of war."Laid on the table.

Mr. FINDLEY presented a petition of Arthur St. Clair, praying that the reports of the committee appointed by the House of Representatives to inquire into the cause or causes of the failure of the military expedition under his command, in the year 1791, against the hostile Indians, may be printed at the expense of the United States.

The petition was read: When it was, on motion of Mr. REED,

Resolved, That the petition of Arthur Saint Clair be referred to a select committee, with leave to report by bill, or otherwise, such relief as the petitioner shall appear to be entitled to receive from the Government.

Messrs. REED, TALLMADGE, CHEVES, ROBERTS, and ALSTON, were appointed the committee.

Mr. LEWIS presented a petition of Joseph Smith, of Alexandria, in the District of Colum.

MAY, 1812.

bia, merchant, stating that, owing to the exorbitant and tyrannical exactions of the French Government, a quantity of tobacco shipped by him to Denmark, the proceeds of which were to be credited to the United States, has been totally lost, and praying relief in the premises.-Referred to the Secretary of State.

On motion of Mr. Lewis, it was ordered that the Committee of the Whole be discharged from the consideration of the petition of Thomas Janney & Co., Henry Nicholson, and William Robinson.

A motion was then made by Mr. KING, that the further consideration of the said petition be postponed until the fourth day of July next, and the question thereon being taken, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 54, nays 39.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the amendment of the Senate to the bill "making further provision for the Army of the United States;" and, after some time spent therein, the Committee rose and reported their agreement to the same; which was concurred in by the House.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the amendment of the Senate to the bill "making additional appropriations for the support of Government for the year 1812." The Committee reported their agreement to the same; which was concurred in by the House.

The bill from the Senate "to authorize the President of the United States to ascertain and designate certain boundaries," went through the Committee of the Whole, and was ordered to be engrossed, and the bill read the third time to

morrow.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill for the relief of Anna Young, heiress and representative of Colonel John Durkee, deceased. The Committee rose, reported progress, and had leave to sit again.

A motion was then made by Mr. WILLIAMS that, when the House adjourns, it will adjourn to thereon being taken, it was determined in the meet again on Monday next; and the question negative-yeas 31, nays 48, as follows:

YEAS-Willis Alston, jun., Stevenson Archer, Jas. Breckenridge, John C. Calhoun, Epaphroditus Champion, Langdon Cheves, James Cochran, Elias Earle, William Findley, James Fisk, Thomas Gholson, Richard Jackson, jr., Philip B. Key, Abner Lacock, Joseph Moore, Jonathan O. Moseley, Hugh Nelson, Thomas Lewis, jr., Peter Little, William Lowndes, Thomas Newton, Stephen Ormsby, Israel Pickens, Jas. Pleasants, jun., John Roane, John Sevier, Adam Seybert, Richard Stanford, John Taliaferro, David R. Williams, and Richard Winn.

Bassett, Harmanus Bleecker, Adam Boyd, William A. NAYS-William Anderson, David Bard, Burwell Burwell, Elijah Brigham, Robert Brown, Matthew Clay, Lewis Condict, William Crawford, John Davenport, jun., Roger Davis, John Dawson, Samuel Dinsmoor, Peterson Goodwyn, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, Aylett Hawes, Jacob Hufty, J. M. Hyneman, Aaron Lyle, William McCoy, Alexander McKim, Arunah

further to amend the bill by adding thereto the following clause: "notwithstanding any statute of limitation which may appear to bar the same:" when, before the question was taken, the House adjourned.

SATURDAY, May 16.

Mr.REED, from the committee appointed on the fourteenth instant, presented a bill allowing an annuity to Arthur St. Clair; which was read twice and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Monday next.

The bill from the Senate "supplementary to an act, entitled 'An act for the admission of the State of Louisiana into the Union, and to extend the laws of the United States to the said State," was read twice and ordered to be read the third time to-day. The bill was then accordingly read the third time, and passed.

The amendment of the Senate to the bill" to extend the right of suffrage in the Illinois Territory, and for other purposes," was read and concurred in by the House.

The House resumed the consideration of the bill for the relief of Anna Young, heiress and representative of Colonel John Durkee, deceased; and the question depending yesterday at the time of adjournment, on the motion of Mr. STANFORD, was taken, and determined in the negative. The bill was then ordered to be engrossed, and read the third time on Monday next.

MONDAY, May 18.

An engrossed bill in addition to "An act to establish the compensations of the officers employed in the collection of the duties on imports and tonnage," was read the third time; and, on motion, re-committed to a Committee of the Whole to-morrow.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill respecting the surveying, &c., of certain lands in Louisiana, and the bill was gone through, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.

The House spent some time in Committee of the Whole, on the report of the Committee of Military Affairs on the memorial of the inventor of the buoy-fort: and, after the Committee rose, the whole subject was, on motion, referred to the Secretary of War.

MAY, 1812.

under the "Act authorizing a loan for eleven millions of dollars;" which was read. The letter is as follows:

TREASURY DEPARTMENT, May 14, 1812.

SIR Subscriptions were opened on the first and second instant to the loan of eleven millions of dollars, authorized by the act of the 14th March last, in conformity with the enclosed notice (A.) It was left opeither to receive stock or to loan the money by special tional with the banks which were disposed to subscribe, contract. The enclosed circular letters (B. C. D.) show the instructions transmitted and the manner in which the proposals were made to the several banks. It was thought most eligible not to limit in any place the amount of subscriptions to any specific sum: for which reason, the loan was kept open only for two days, in order that the general result might be ascertained, and a reduction, if necessary, be made.

All the returns have now been received, and an abstract (E.) is herewith transmitted. From these it appears that $6,118,900 were subscribed in those two days, viz: $4,190,000 by banks, and $1,928,000 by individuals. This last sum is greater than the aggregate of all the loans at six per cent. ever before obtained by the Government from individuals in the United States; and, considering the price of stocks, and various obstathe amount is as great as might have been expected cles which at this time have impeded the subscriptions, within so short a period. The unsubscribed residue will now be apportioned among the several places, according to the apparant demand in each, and subscriptions will be received or stock sold, until the sums thus respectively apportioned shall have been disposed of.

It is confidently believed that the amount which remains unsubscribed for, will thus be filled as the money will be wanted for the public service. In order, however, to prevent the possibility of disappointment, and to remove doubts and erroneous expectations, I beg leave to submit the propriety of authorizing the issue of Treasury notes on the following principles, viz:

1. Not exceeding in the whole the amount which may ultimately not be subscribed to the loan; that is to say, that the amount received on account of the loan and that of the Treasury notes shall not together exceed eleven millions; which limits therefore the greatest possible amount of Treasury notes to less than $4,900,000.

2. To bear an interest of 53 per cent. a year, equal to 13 cent per day on a one hundred dollar note. after the date of their respective issues. 3. To become payable by the Treasury one year

all duties, taxes, or debts due to the United States. 4. To be in the mean while received in payment of I have the honor to be, &c.

ALBERT GALLATIN. Hon. LANGDON CHEVES, Chairman, &c.

GOVERNMENT LOAN.

Mr. CHEVES, from the Committee of Ways and Means, laid before the House a letter addressed by the Secretary of the Treasury to the chairman of the committee, detailing the proceedings had

being received, and of which at last only $30,000 were sold at private sale. 2. The Navy six per cent. loan, authorized by act of June 30, 1798; which made the money subscribed applicable on the spot, to a favorite object, and left the management and application of the fund in the hands of the subscribers. The amount of this stock issued, in the whole, was $711,700.