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[June 29th.

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the manufacturing and the agricultural. the commercial interest, the legislature of Massachusetts can do very little toward sustaining that. Massachusetts is not a nation, and she has surrendered jurisdiction upon the subject of commerce to the United States. Representatives, sitting here in general court, can do little in any way, towards sustaining or injuring that great interest.

Next, there comes the manufacturing interest. How is the city of Boston situated in relation to that? In 1845 or 1846, returns were procured from the assessors of all the towns and cities of the Commonwealth, showing the amount of the industrial products of each. By looking at those tables, you will find that Boston has but very little capital invested in manufacturing, in the city proper. While the population of Boston is

about one-seventh of the inhabitants in the whole State, her amount of capital invested in the industrial pursuits of the Commonwealth in the city is only about one-fifteenth of that of the whole State.

You find then that the manufacturing capital, which is to be protected by the general court, is not in Boston, but in the country. It is scattered all along your little streams; though, perhaps, owned to some extent by gentlemen residing in Boston and its vicinity; it is doing good there, is represented there, and the people there will take care of it. It is in safe keeping, and I venture to say it is where the owners of this property, and where the capitalists of Boston interested in that species of industry, wish to have it, and wish to have it represented, inasmuch as they have placed it there.

The same tables show the number of hands employed in these industrial pursuits of the Commonwealth, and how does the number of hands so employed in Boston, compare, with the number employed in the country? While she has one-seventh of the population of the State, she has, or then had, one-thirtieth of the number of hands thus employed. So it appears that she has only one-fifteenth of the capital and one-thirtieth of the hands employed, with a population amounting to about one-seventh. It seems to me that Boston must admit, that so far as the industrial products of the Commonwealth are concerned, they should be strongly represented from the country. They are then, and the representatives from the country can and will sustain them.

Then there are other great manufacturing interests; the leather, and the boot and shoe manufacturing interests, more important, by far, than that of woollen and cotton manufactures. They are not situated here in Boston. The agricultural interest too, is not here; and I submit, that it is

not competent for Boston to say, in relation to these three great interests, that she is entitled to be as fully represented as the country.

Something has been said in the progress of this debate, as to the superior intelligence, and wisdom, and sober second thought of the people in the country. I would not be understood as intimating or encouraging the idea that the voters of the country are more intelligent than the voters in Boston. I do not believe it. I believe that the voters in Boston are, as a class, as intelligent as those who reside in the country. By their schools and by the lectures and libraries to which they have access, they have the means of advancing quite as far in that direction, as the people of any part of the State, and if it were not so, to base any provision, which we may incorporate into the fundamental law of the Commonwealth, upon the idea that the voters of any one section of the State are more intelligent, and wiser, and better men than those of any other section, would be highly unjust. But, Sir, we have a right to look at the great interests which are represented in the legislature of Massachusetts, and we have a right, and it is our duty, to see that they are properly represented.

Another great interest of this Commonwealth is that of education; the interest of your common and public schools which are supported by taxation-not your private schools, supported upon the voluntary system, which are, I was about to say, detrimental to the great cause of popular education. If you take taxation as the basis of representation-as one gentleman from Boston, who has brought forward his tables here to show the wealth of Boston, as compared with that of the country, says you should-look for a moment at the amount which the small towns of the State pay towards the support of the public schools,. and that paid by the city of Boston, and see where, according to that comparison, the representation would fall. That would give the country a higher basis of representation than is asked for by any body here.

Inasmuch as the Secretary of the Board of Education has shown what percentage of the taxable property of the Commonwealth is contributed towards the support of the common schools, in the different parts of the State, I had the curiosity to look at it, and I found this to be the result. The table is headed by the Secretary "Counties arranged according to the percentage of their taxable property, appropriated to the sup port of public schools for 1851 and 1852, expressed in decimals :" Barnstable, Plymouth,

1.77

2.53 Norfolk, 2.26 Franklin,

1.74

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Now here are nine counties in the Commonwealth, which exceed Suffolk two-fold, in what they contribute for the support of our common school system. The average for the whole State, is 1.54 per cent. upon the property of the Commonwealth, and you will see how far Boston falls below that, when she only contributes .94 per cent. Well, Sir, Boston does a great deal for public schools, a great deal for colleges, and a great deal for private schools. I do not mean to say, she does not do as much for the cause of education, including colleges and private schools, within her own limits, as any other portion of the Commonwealth. But I say, that so far as this great system of public schools, provided for by the legislature is concerned, which secures to every child in the Commonwealth, an education, at the public expense. Boston does not, according to her ability, do as much as the small towns of the Commonwealth, by one-half.

Mr. UPTON, of Boston. Does the gentleman mean to assume that the schools in Boston, are not as good, as they are in the small towns of the State?

Mr. HUNTINGTON. Not at all. I believe the schools in the city of Boston, are rather above the average standard of schools in the community. I wish I could say that the public schools in every portion of the Commonwealth, were as good as they are in the city of Boston. Indeed, I think I should be safe in saying that the schools in this city, public and private together, are superior to the schools in the country. They are made so by their central position, by the wealth of the people, and by the interest which the people take in them. That is a safe calculation to make. I am willing to yield that point. But it is no purpose of mine in this argument, to make any odious comparisons, either against the city and in favor of the country, or in favor of the city and against the country. I am only considering such of the great interests of the people of the Commonwealth, as this Convention ought peculiarly to regard and protect, and I think this great system of public schools, comprises one of those interests, and in connection with that interest, I alluded to the fact, that the city of Boston, in proportion to its valuation lists, does not pay for the support of this system of public schools, more than one-fourth or one-half as much, as the people of the small towns.

Let me call the attention of the Convention, to another fact in connection with the subject of

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public schools. I find, from a cursory examination of the returns of the Secretary of the Board of Education, that the attendance upon these schools, considering all the disadvantages of distance and travel in the country, is much larger in the small towns than in the large. · Notwithstanding many of the children are compelled to go two or three miles to reach their school-houses, they are there more regularly than in the large towns and cities. This shows the great interest which is taken in these towns, in our system of public schools. It is considered by the people of those towns as one of the most important interests of the community, and it is an interest which is to go on and increase hereafter. I, therefore, regard it as one which should be taken into great consideration by this Convention in establishing their basis of representation.

Then there is another subject which I also desire to bring to the attention of the Convention. Much has been said about centralization here. This doctrine of what is technically called centralization, I care nothing about. I cannot see that it has any proper application to this subject. The doctrine of centralization, as applied to the governments of the old world, we know nothing about, practically, here. What I understand by that term, as applied to government, is when that government itself is centered in the hands of the few. As our government is absolutely in the hands of the legal voters of the Commonwealth, no centralization can take place, so far as the government is concerned, except so far as the people themselves, in migrating from one place to another, or in gathering into large towns and cities, may collect in larger numbers in some one place more than in others. This we have no right to prevent in establishing a fundamental law. But so far as the administration of the government is concerned, there can be centralization, in the sense in which I understand the term. The people delegate the powers of government to their officers, state and county, and to representatives who meet here in the city of Boston, and to that extent the administration of the government is centred in the city of Boston. But the municipal institutions which prevail amongst us, and which, as they exist here, are unknown to the old world, are an effectual and perfect protection from this danger of centralization of the government, and therefore, I say, I care nothing about this doctrine, as applied to the government of Massachusetts. There is, however, a concentration of wealth, power, influence, and numbers combined, in the cities and large towns, and this is a fact entitled to consideration in the determination of

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this question. Take, for instance, the city of Boston, and compare its advantages for representation with the country. Boston is more strongly represented in the legislature than a country town is, because she is not only represented by her own delegates, but she is also, in a peculiar sense, which does not apply to country towns, represented by all the delegates from all the portions of the State, even by the country representatives themselves. Beside the general doctrine and it is the true theory of our government-that a man who is elected from any particular place, is the representative not only of that place, but of all the towns and cities in the Commonwealth, and which will apply to the relative position of the city members towards the towns, as well as to that of the country members towards the city,-I say, besides this general doctrine, the country members, when they come here, do, in a peculiar manner, represent the city also; not in any illegitimate or improper sense, but they truly represent the interests of the city. While they are here, as they are, from all parts of the Commonwealth, they see what Boston wants. They go to her wharves, and her places of business of every description—they witness her public works. They are ready to investigate any plan which you will show them for public improvements. They visit your charitable and literary and scientific institutions, your private and public establishments for the poor and suff.ring, and see with their own eyes what are their necessities. Many country representatives are doing business here with their Boston constituents, are in their counting-rooms, shops, and banks, hear what they have to say by way of suggestion, and look to their interests in legislation. But the people of the country do not enjoy these advantages. If you would take the Boston representatives into the country, and give them the same opportunity of ascertaining the wants of the country, as the country representatives have of attending to the wants of the city, they would be quite as willing to give their aid. I do not mean to intimate that they would not do as much, and go as far to promote their interests and assist them, as do the representatives from the country, but it is impossible, from their situation, that it can be so.

It is an impossibility, from the very nature of things, that gentlemen who live in the city can understand the interests of the country as the country representatives do those of the city, so far as local legislation is concerned. For instance, suppose there is a question as to the alteration in a city or town line in this neighborhood, or a ferry, or railway, the members can go and ex

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amine and hear for themselves, and can administer to the public exigency from their own positive observation and knowledge. But suppose the question of the settlement or alteration of town lines, or any other local question, in the county of Berkshire, should arise, Boston gentlemen cannot visit Berkshire, for the purpose of obtaining the requisite information, but they must receive it second-hand. I do not mean to say that there is any disposition on the part of the people of Boston not to do justice to the people of the country, certainly not, but I do mean to say that Boston, from her position as the seat of government, has an advantage over the country, and that her interests are better represented than country interests, from the fact that they are not only represented by the members elected from the city itself, but also by the members who come here from the country. If Boston had not a single representative upon this floor, still her interests would be well guarded. The very fact that the State House is in the city insures that protection. Why, Sir, I venture to say that Worcester or Springfield would either of them give up half their representation for the sake of having this State House located there, because they would feel that by the mere presence of the legislature, their interests would be regarded and promoted, and better protected without a single representative clected by them, than they now are with all the representatives they are entitled to. In this respect, therefore, the people of Boston have much the advantage over the people in the other portions of the Commonwealth.

Permit me again to allude to the fact, that from the very nature of things the representative from Boston is in more immediate communication with his constituents than the representative from the country can be with his. He lives almost within a stone's throw of them, and can at any hour confer with them, or be conferred with in ten minutes' time. If absent when a question is to be taken, he is summoned in. But when any matter arises in the country, touching local interests, which require legislation, that representative is away from them and cannot consult with them. They must and do send down lobby members, or let the matter in hand go unrepresented.

Then there is another advantage which the representatives from Boston and the large cities always have. The members from the country are many of them obliged to go, or they do go, home towards the close of the sessions. It has always been noticed, that at these periods there is an undue number of absences among those representing the remote parts of the Commonwealth. They are also absent more or less during the ses

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sion, and cannot be called in when a question is to be taken. These are not very consoling arguments I admit, but I think the fact is entitled to some consideration, and I present it for what it is worth.

The great interests in the Commonwealth, to be provided for by State legislation, are the educational, the manufacturing, and the agricultural. These interests must and will be fostered. The country and the city are both interested in them, for one is dependent upon the other. But they mainly are found and exist out of the city. Your agricultural products are necessary for the existence of the cities, and in return your agricultural communities are enriched by the cities. Our manufacturing interest, I think, is eminently entitled to the consideration and protection of the legislature of the Commonwealth, so far as it has control of the subject. I know that this interest is, to some extent, regulated and protected by the national legislature. But it is the great interest of Massachusetts after all. I do not, as some gentlemen do, rank it below the agricultural. There are as intelligent men engaged in mechanical and manufacturing pursuits, as can be found devoted to agricultural. My professional experience has brought me in connection with both, and given me some opportunity to judge in relation to this matter, and that is my conviction. Something has been said, in the course of this debate, about farmers as a superior order of men. I do not believe the agricultural portion of the people of the Commonwealth have any greater claim upon the protection or the power of the government, or to higher consideration, than have those engaged in manufacturing, mechanical, or commercial pursuits. I would not give one the preference over the other. An ignorant farmer is no better than an ignorant mechanic. An ignorant man is an ignorant man, and an intelligent man is an intelligent man, whatever his occupation, and without much regard to it, here in Massachusetts. I believe about the same number, proportionately, may be found in either, or in any trade or pursuit. I would not be understood as detracting from the importance of the agricultural interest of the Commonwealth. Far be it from me to speak a word against that interest. My closest ties are in that direction. I have always looked forward to a farm as a kind of land of Beulah, where, if I could dwell, I could almost fancy myself living in sight of heaven, and hearing celestial sounds. But I do not believe the farmers themselves wish to be set apart as a favored or superior class in the Commonwealth; or that they demand an undue amount of influence in the affairs of the government. I believe

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they are willing to take just what they are entitled to under a fair and equal apportionment of the powers of the government. I do not believe they desire to be treated as a superior order of men. I would not underrate any one of the great industrial interests of Massachusetts, but I believe, nevertheless, that if we were compelled to part with either the agricultural or the mechanical and manufacturing interests, that we could better spare the agricultural. We can supply ourselves with bread from abroad, but the products of the industry of our mechanics and manufacturers are essential to our prosperity, and we could not well live and flourish without them for a day. When I hear gentlemen talk of our farmers as a higher class of men, in whose hands the power of the government can be more safely placed than in the hands of the mechanics and the manufacturers, and, as if they were to be invested with the control of affairs, to the exclusion of other classes, I cannot sympathize with them in any such opinion. I think they are entitled to a just and fair representation, and that is all.

These are some of the reasons which induce me to advocate an enlarged basis of representation for this city and the large cities and towns. In town or in corporate representation, this can only be attained by an increasing and enlarged ratio. These considerations would prevent my supporting a district system based on the equality of mere population, without regard to voters.

It has been said, and I know it is a controling conviction in some minds, that the district system will introduce the convention mode of making nominations more extensively than it now exists. Well, Sir, I do not object to the district system so much on that account. already introduced, and part of our institutions. political necessity.

Political conventions are have become almost a They exist as a sort of

If the people choose to nominate their candidates by means of a convention I do not know why they should not do it. I have seen as much mischief and intrigue, and petty jealousy at town caucuses as I have in any convention system. They are both in the hands of the people. If good men will attend your town caucuses they will nominate good candidates, and if good men will attend your conventions, you will have good candidates. There is no more danger in the one case than in the other, if they are under the influence of good men, and they may be. There are evils connected with the representation by the small towns which are not incident to an election by districts. A politician can go into a little town of three hundred inhabitants in a closely contested election and do a great deal more

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with a little money, than he can in a large city, towards effecting a particular result. I do not mean that the result is obtained by bribery or corruption, but merely by getting out the voters of the right stamp, and putting other machinery in motion. I do not mean that opinions or voters are to be improperly influenced by any such means, but it will require a great deal less money and exertion to change the result in one of these little towns, by getting out a few antique voters, who otherwise would not attend the polls, than it will in the large towns and cities. I have known caucuses held in small towns where a committee would be appointed to select the candidates of the party for which the caucus was held. The people have not permitted their committee to report to the meeting, but have appointed them, with instructions to report, when and where ? At some time previous to the election, to the caucuses, for their ratification? No, Sir; but with instructions to report at the polls! In these small towns, the people are not always left free and independent to select their candidates for representatives; sometimes they do not know who is to be their candidates until they go up to the polls to vote, and they are compelled to take the candidate reported by their committee, without knowing even his name till they are called on to cast their ballots.

And it very often happens that in the small towns the election turns, and the representative is chosen upon merely sectional and small local considerations. A new religious society is formed in a small town-one man will not vote for this candidate because he belongs to that church, and another will not vote for that candidate because he does not belong to his own church. Various neighborhood feuds and jealousies creep into these small town nominations.

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I have presented considerations, tending to show, that you cannot take a mere numerical majority, based on popula ion, as reliable in any system,--either in the district or the representative system. I wish to present a few controling facts in relation to this particular branch of the subject. On looking at one of the documents, (No. 17,) which contains a list of the population and legal voters, you will find, that in the large cities and towns, the population runs much above the legitimate proportion between population and voters. I have looked through these tables, and I find, that what may be called a fair and healthy proportion between the population and the legal voters, is about five to one.

If gentlemen will examine these tables as to the small agricultural country towns, they will find that about one-fifth of the population are voters. In the large cities and towns, you will find, that in Boston, not one-seventh of the population are voters. I take twenty-one of the largest cities and towns in the order of their population, and I find, on an average, that only one-seventh are voters, instead of one-fifth. Just take this result, and apply it to the basis of representation. You have not done it in regard to the Senate. There you have taken the population. You find that this advantage is gained by the cities and large towns on their population, that it operates just like the representation of property, and it looks something like a return to the old system of the property basis, because this floating population always come in, where the property and the largest wealth are to be found. And when you permit this floating population to be represented, you in fact admit property in another shape and form to come in and be represented—not in name, but in substance. As I said before, apply this to Boston, and take the same ratio in regard to voters and population as you find in the country, and how does the case stand? Boston does not count over 138,788, by any reckoning; but by this mode, only about 107,000. Multiply her voters by five instead of seven, as that is the proper way These various views which I have presented, it to ascertain her legitimate population, to be represeems to me, show the fallacy of the tables which sented by Boston representatives, and her popuhave been got up to set forth the equality or lation is only 107,000,-and when she gets inequality of the various plans which have been twenty-four or twenty-nine representatives thereproposed. I contend that exact numerical equal- fore, she gets them upon 107,000, and not upon ity is not necessary, nor is it consonant with exact 138,000. Apply this calculation to your county political justice in apportioning the representa- population, about which so much has been said, tion of the State. We do not want mere numeri- and where such apparent inequalities have been cal equality in our representation. What we presented. Take the county of Hampshire for want is, that all the interests of the State should instance, her population is 34,290 by the tables. be fully and fairly represented. That is political Multiply her voters by seven, and bring them up justice and equality, and that is the system of repre- to the same ratio or standard which exists in your sentation which I hope the Convention will adopt. | large cities and towns, and you find that her

Now, Sir, this consideration, it seems to me, is one which should have some weight in determining this question as to district conventions and town nominations, and whether the district system is objectionable on this account.

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