XLVII.

CHAP. leaders of the Opposition, and M. Duchâtel on the part of the Government, and it was fondly hoped that the crisis had been surmounted.

1848.

45.

of the

cession.

Feb. 21.

This compromise was gladly accepted by the great body Programme of the Liberals, and in particular those who desired a posed pro change of ministry, but not of the dynasty on the throne, but it was violently condemned by the ultras on both sides. The King and a part of the courtiers objected to it as an unworthy concession to popular violence, and an acknowledgment that the Government declined a combat. The extreme Radicals, led by M. Marrast and M. LedruRollin, declaimed against it as a disgraceful abandonment of the rights of the people. The compromise, however, was carried through, and a sub-committee drew up a proclamation, in which it was announced that the meeting would take place, but the banquet would not follow, as it had been interdicted by the Government. To render the demonstration, however, without the banquet, as imposing as possible, it was announced that the procession was to take place on the largest possible scale. It was to extend along the boulevards from the Place of the Bastile to the Madeleine; the National Guards were invited to attend in their uniforms, but without their arms; and all the students and scholars at the military schools shared in the invitation. The utmost order and regularity was enjoined des Débats, upon all persons forming part of the cortège, or witnessing 1848. it, and it was thought that a hundred thousand persons. would appear in its ranks.1

1 Journal

Feb. 21,

46.

on both sides regarding a procession. Feb. 21.

The Government was seized with the utmost apprehenDifficulties sions when this programme appeared in the Opposition journals. The danger appeared more imminent than ever, now that the banquet was converted into a procession. It was not the after-dinner speeches, but a collision in the streets which was the real object of alarm. M. Guizot declared in a Cabinet council held on the subject, that all authority was lost when Government entered into terms with its enemies. M. Duchâtel urged that the opportunity

XLVII.

1848.

should be seized of re-establishing the shaken authority of CHAP. Government. M. Jacqueminot protested that the troops should be brought forward to stop the procession. On their side the Liberal chiefs were hardly less embarrassed, for it had become apparent that the substitution of a procession for the banquet had only augmented the danger, by bringing it into the public streets, and into the presence of the people, and the party was divided on the subject. Impressed with these ideas, they agreed to publish an explanatory address, in which it should be announced that they had no intention of convoking the National Guard, or usurping the powers of Government. A draft of the

proposed note was written out and submitted to M. Duchâtel; but the Government declined to agree to it, and the Chamber met at five in the afternoon, without anything being decided on the subject. Explanations were then made on both sides, but without leading to any amicable result,-M. Duchâtel declaring that no impediment would be thrown in the way of any who chose going to the banquet individually, but that any attempt to form a procession on the public streets would be prevented; and M. Barrot replying that there was no intention of disturbing the public peace, that perfect order would be observed in the procession, and that, if the Government took a step which was virtually declaring Paris in a state of siege, they were provoking the breach of the peace which they professed so much anxiety to avoid. These explanations led to no result, and the Chamber separated without anything being determined i 180, 183; But in the evening it was la RépubLiberal deputies that they 44.

or agreed to on the subject. agreed by a majority of the should not attend the procession.1

Later still at night, a final meeting of the more decided Liberals took place in the office of the Réforme, to determine what should be done in regard to the procession on the following day. Opinions, even in that extreme section of the Liberals, were divided on the subject.

M.

Regnault,

iii. 393,394; Cassagnac,

i.

Naissance de

lique, 43,

XLVII.

47.

CHAP. Lagrange strongly urged the adoption of decided measures. "Yes!" said he, "let the Democracy hoist its standard, and 1848. descend boldly into the field of battle for Progress. HuDebate, and manity in a mass has its eyes upon you; our standard will of the Li- rally around us the whole warlike and fraternal cohorts. beral chiefs What more are we waiting for?" Loud applause folprocession. lowed these words, and it seemed as if the entire meeting

decision

against the

was about to declare for war, when M. Louis Blanc rose
and said: "After the Opposition deputies have agitated
the country to its very entrails, they recoil. I feel my
blood boil within my bosom at such conduct, and if I
listened only to my indignation I would say in presence
of such baseness, 'Let us raise our war-cry and advance.'
But humanity restrains me. I ask if you are entitled to
dispose of the blood of a generous people, without any
prospect of advantage to the cause of Democracy? If the
Patriots commence the conflict to-morrow, abandoned by
the leaders who have hitherto put themselves at the head of
the movement, they will infallibly be crushed, and the De-
mocracy
will be drowned in blood. That will be the result
of to-morrow's struggle. And do not deceive yourselves.
The National Guard, which has gone in uniform from
banquet to banquet, will to-morrow, in the same uniform,
mow down the Patriots with grape-shot alongside of the
soldiers. Determine on insurrection if you please; but
for my part, if you adopt such a decision, I will retire to
my home to cover myself with crape, and mourn over
the ruin of Democracy." Ledru-Rollin soon after added:
During the first Revolution, when our fathers had fixed
on a field-day, they had prepared for it before.
Are we
in a similar situation? Have we arms, ammunition, com-
batants ready? The Government is thoroughly prepared.
The army only awaits the signal to crush us. My opinion
is, that to run into a conflict in such circumstances, is an
act of madness." These opinions were so obviously well-
founded, that they at length came to prevail with the
majority of the meeting. It was agreed at the eleventh

66

XLVII.

1848.

1 De la

hour that the proposed procession on the day following CHAP. should be abandoned, and a formal impeachment of the Ministers before the Chamber of Peers substituted in its 1 D room. On the day following, a double set of placards Hist. de appeared on all the walls of Paris-the first, from the Sociétés Prefect of Police, interdicting any assembly on the pub- 485, 488; lic streets; the second, from the Banquet Committee, re- iii. 393,395; commending the people not to attempt to form any pro- i. 181, 186. cession.1 *

Secrètes,

Regnault,

Cassagnac,

48.

the Nation

forme on

Shortly before, an article had appeared in the National from the pen of M. Marrast, which pointed to the pro- Articles in posed demonstration as a great moral movement, which al and Réwas to crush the Government by the simple demonstra- the subject. tion of public opinion, without any physical collision. "Do not," said he, addressing the Minister, "reckon on a disturbance. If you wish it, rely upon it you shall not have it. What we are more anxious for is a demonstration of which the calmness may terrify you, while its mag

"En ajournant ainsi l'exercice d'un droit, l'opposition prend l'engagement de faire prévaloir ce droit par toutes les voix constitutionnelles. Elle ne manquera pas à ce devoir; elle poursuivra, avec plus de persévérance et plus d'énergie que jamais, la lutte qu'elle a entreprise contre une politique corruptrice, violente et antinationale. En ne se rendant pas au banquet, l'opposition accomplit un grand acte de modération et d'humanité; elle fait qu'il lui reste à accomplir un grand acte de fermeté et de justice.”—National, 22d February 1848.

The indictment against the Government promised in the last paragraph, was at the same time drawn up and signed.

"1. D'avoir trahi au dehors l'honneur et les intérêts de la France.

"2. D'avoir faussé les principes de la constitution, la garantie de la liberté, et attenté aux droits des citoyens.

"3. D'avoir, par une corruption systématique, tenté de substituer à l'expression de l'opinion publique les calculs d'intérêt privé, et de pervertir ainsi le gouvernement représentatif.

"4. D'avoir trafiqué, dans un intérêt ministeriel, des fonctions publiques ainsi que de tous les attributs et priviléges du pouvoir.

"5. D'avoir, dans le même but, ruiné les finances de l'état et compromis ainsi les forces et la grandeur nationale.

"6. D'avoir violemment dépouillé les citoyens d'un droit essentiel à toute constitution libre et dont l'exercice leur avait été garanti par la charte, par les lois, et par les précédents.

"7. D'avoir enfin, par une politique ouvertement contre-révolutionnaire, remis en question toutes les conquêtes de nos deux révolutions et jeté le pays dans 'une agitation profonde.”— Réforme, 22d February 1848; REGNAULT, iii. 395, 397.

XLVII.

1848.

Feb. 21,

1848.

CHAP. nitude may indicate the firm determination of the people. We wish that the deputies, the electors, the officers and soldiers of the National Guard, with all the citizens who have a resolute spirit, should meet you in a pacific mass, unarmed, immense, and whose all-powerful voice may indicate the respect in which they hold you. It is order which constitutes our strength-it is the voice of opinion which will pass over your battalions to crush you. The movement will be the more terrible for you from its very tranquillity. You shall have neither troubles nor disorders, nor a bloody collision. The people of Paris have 1 National, no need of a battle to conquer-it is enough for them to show themselves." And now, when they were, as they conceived, discreditably abandoned by the leaders of the dynastic Opposition," they again addressed the people in the Réforme, dissuading them from any collision with the military, and promising them ulterior measures at a future time. "Men of the people," said M. Flocon in that journal, "beware of any rash excess to-morrow. Do not furnish the Government with the opportunity so much desired of a bloody success. Do not give the dynastic Opposition, which abandons at once you and itself, a pretext of which it would willingly avail itself, to throw a veil over its weakness. You now see what are the consequences of allowing the initiative to be taken by those who are not our own. Patience yet a while! When it 2 National, shall seem good to the democratic party to take the lead Feb. 22, 1848. in its turn, it will be seen whether it will retire when it has once advanced."2

49.

A very curious and valuable account exists, from the Strength of pen of one who was initiated into all their secrets, of the the Repub- strength of the secret societies in France at this period, this period. which embraced all who were decided Republicans. "The

licans at

Republican party," says Lucien de la Hodde, "was, in February 1848, composed of the following persons :4000 subscribers to the National, of whom only one-half were Republicans, the other belonging to the dynastic