England should act in concert, in order the better to secure the independence and the organization of the order of Malta. He, therefore, consents that the choice of its grand master, from the candidates proposed by the votes of the priories, should for this time be submitted to his holiness. As to the 13th paragraph of the same article, respecting the accession of the powers, the first consul thinks with his Britannic majesty, that the powers should be invited to give their consent to the arrange ments agreed upon; and the French ministers at the courts of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, shall consequently, receive orders to take, conjointly with his Britannic majesty's ministers, the necessary steps for obtaining the accession provided by the 10th article of the treaty of Amiens.] Paris, 10th Prairial, Year 10. No. 7. Dispatch from Mr. Merry to Lord Hawkesbury, dated Paris, June 4, 1802. My lord, I had occasion to see Mr. Talleyrand yesterday afternoon, for the purpose of introducing to him, by appointment, some English gentle men, previously to their presentation to-day to the first consul. Having gone first alone into the minister's cabinet, he said, that he had been directed by general Bona parte, to represent to me several circumstances which stood very much in the way of that perfect reconciliation and good understanding between the two countries and their governments, which it was the first consul's sincere wish to see re-established, in order that such obstacles might be removed before the arrival in London of the French ambassador ; because, although the circumstances in question had already produced a very disagreeable effect, whilst only M. Otto, as minister, had to witness them, they would acquire a great addition of force if they should still exist when the ambassador should be present; and since the first consul had given orders for general Andreossy to proceed to his destination with as little delay as possible, he wished that I should take an early opportunity to give an account to your lordship of the observations which he was charged to make to me. After a preface to this effect, M. Talleyrand proceeded to state to me, that the accounts which M. Otto had transmitted of the disgust and inconvenience which he could not but feel and experience at meeting, frequently, at his majesty's court, and at other places, the French princes, and some French persons still decorated with the insignia of French orders which no longer existed; and, at seeing the countenance and support which continued to be given, in England, to what, he termed, the ci-devant French bishops, as well as to other persons (he here mentioned Georges) inimical to the present government of France, had affected, so strongly, the first consul, and were, in fact, so calculated to prevent that system of cordiality which he was anxious to see established, that it was incumbent upon him to express his wish, that his majesty's government might be disposed to remove out of the British dominions all the French princes and their adherents, together with the French bishops, and other French individuals, whose political principlea principles and conduct must necessarily occasion great jealousy to the French government. He continued to observe, that the protection and favour which all the persons in question continued to meet with in a country so close a neighbour to France, must alone be always considered as an encouragement to the disaffected here, even without those persons themselves being guilty of any acts tending to foment fresh disturbances in his country; but that the government here possessed proofs of the abuse which they were now making of the protection which they enjoyed in England, and of the advantage they were taking of the vicinity of their situation to France, by being really guilty of such acts, since several printed papers had lately been intercepted, which it was known they had sent, and caused to be circulated in France, and which had for their object, to create an opposition to the government. I cannot, my lord, do better than refer you to what you will have read in the French official paper of the day before yesterday (under the article of Paris), for the exact text of M. Talleyrand's discourse upon this subject; which he concluded by saying, that he thought the residence of Louis XVIII. was now the proper place for that of the rest of the family, and that I might add this suggestion in my report to your lordship. I answered the French minister, that, without any reference to you, I could assure him, that the practices of the French residing in England, of which he complained, had not been encouraged, nor would be countenanced by his majesty's government; which was as sincerely disposed to cultivate harmony and VOL. XLV. good understanding between the two countries, as he had represented the first consul to be; but that I could by no means say how far they would be disposed to adopt the measure which he had intimated it to be general Bonaparte's wish that they should pursue, in order to remove, so effectually, every thing which might not, perhaps, be considered equally by them as giving just cause of offence or jealousy to France. M. Talleyrand did not rejoin upon the matter, but asked me when I proposed writing. Upon my re plying I should lose no time, he said, that if I should write as today, he would avail himself of the opportunity to convey a letter to M. Otto. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) A. Merry. The Right Honourable Lord Hawkesbury, &c. &c. &c. No. 8. Dispatch from Lord Hawkesbury to Mr. Merry, dated June 10, 1802. Sir, Your dispatches of the 4th instant were received on Monday night, and have been laid before the king. The account given in that dis-' patch of the conversation which passed on the 3d instant, between you and M. Talleyrand, respecting the French princes and their adherents, would have afforded here considerable surprise, if his majesty's government had not in some degree been prepared for it by information which had been previously received; from the manner, however, in which this subject has been men tioned to you, it is important that you should take a proper opportunity to explain, candidly and fairly, to the French government, the line U n of of conduct which his majesty feels it to be his duty to pursue in this very delicate business. His majesty would certainly consider it inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the treaty of peace, between him and the French republic, to encourage or countenance any projects that might be hostile to the present government of France. He is sincerely desirous, that the peace which has been concluded, may be permanent, and may lead to the establishment of a system of good understanding and harmony between the two countries. With these sentiments, he is disposed to employ all the means in his power to guard against any circumstance which can have the effect of disturbing the tranquillity that has been so happily restored; and he certainly expects, that all foreigners who may reside within his dominions, should not I only hold a conduct conformable to the laws of the country, but should abstain from all acts which may be hostile to the government of any country with which his majesty may be at peace. As long, however, as they conduct themselves according to these principles, his majesty would feel it inconsistent with his dignity, with his honour, and with the common laws of hospitality, to deprive them of that protection which individuals, resident in his dominions, can only forfeit by their own misconduct. The greater part of the persons to whom allusion has been made in M. Talleyrand's conversation with you, are living in retirement; and his majesty has no reason whatever to suppose, that since the conclusion of peace, they have availed themselves of their residence in this country, to pro mote any designs injurious to the government of France. I have the honour to be, &c. Anthony Merry, Esq. No. 9. Dispatch from Mr. Merry to Lord I have the honour to acquaint your lordship, that I have executed the instructions given me by your secret and confidential dispatch, (No. 14), in consequence of the communication from M. Talleyrand, which I transmitted in my number 23, respecting the residence of the French princes, and other French persons in his majesty's dominions. In delivering my answer on this business to the French minister, I took care to express, in the strongest manner, the assurances which your lordship has authorised me to give of his majesty's sincere desire that the peace which has happily been concluded should be permanent, and that it should lead to the establishment of a system of harmony and good understanding between the two countries; and that, as his majesty's conduct would, in every respect, be guided by those sentiments, he of course would not tolerate, much less encourage, any proceedings on the part of persons within his dominions, which might be hostile to the present government of France; which assurances might, I trusted, be sufficient to tranquillize and satisfy the first consul, without recurring to the measures which had been intimated to me, and which could not but be considered as inconsistent consistent with his majesty's dignity and honour, as well as with the common laws of hospitality, which he could not but observe towards foreigners within his dominions, until they should have forfeited that protection by their misconduct. M. Talleyrand expressed to me, in reply, that the first consul had solicited no more than the British government itself had, at the time, demanded of France, when the pretender was in this country, and than had been practised between other governments, under similar circumstances that he could not see any humiliation in the measure which he had intimated to me; that he could assure me it had not been suggested with any such idea; and that he could only repeat, that the adoption of it would be, in the highest degree, agreeable and satisfactory to the first consul, and be considered by him as the most convincing proof of his majesty's disposition to see a cordial good understanding established between the two countries; concluding his answer with a request that I would report it to your lordship. I rejoined upon the subject, by observing to the French minister, that even without adverting to the serious consideration of the king's dignity and honour, the feelings of the people of England were to be taken into account on the occasion; that he must be sensible the relative situation, hitherto, of the two countries, especially in regard to trade, afforded his majesty's subjects no room to reap those advantages which were common to, and which were always expected from a state of peace; and that it, therefore, appeared to me, that the first consul would equally give a proof of his disposition to see harmony, and a friendly intercourse, re-established between the two nations, by not repeating his wish upon a matter which would operate in the strongest manner against such an approximation and reconciliation of sentiments, were it even only to come to the knowledge of his majesty's subjects. I am happy, my lord, to say, that M. Talleyrand shewed no warmth, or any very marked cagerness, in his manner of replying to my communication; and that our conversation on this head terminated with the last remarks I made to him, when he changed it to another subject. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) Anth. Merry. Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c. &c. &c. I transmitted, some time ago, to Mr. Hammond, a number of Peltier, containing the most gross calumnies against the French government, and against the whole nation; and I observed that I should probably receive an order to demand the punishment of such an abuse of the press. That order is actually arrived, and I cannot conceal from you, my lord, that the reiterated insults of a small number of foreigners, assembled in London, to conspire against the French government, produce the most unfavourable effects on the good understanding between the two nations. Even though the first article of the treaty of Amiens had not provided for the U u 2 maintenance maintenance of that respect which two independent nations owe to each other, the general maxims of the law of nations would formally condemn so revolting an abuse of the liberty of the press. It cannot be believed, that the law can give more latitude to a libellist than to any qther individual, who, without declaration of war, should permit himself to violate the duties of good neighbourhood. The offence in question is SO much the more serious, as its object is evidently to disturb the harmony which subsists between the two governments. It is not to Peltier alone, but to the editor of the "Courier Francois de Londres," to Cobbet, and to other writers who resemble them, that I have to direct the attention of his majesty's government. The perfidious and malevolent publications of these men are in open contradiction to the principles of peace; and if it could ever enter into the mind of the French government to permit retaliation, writers would, doubtless, be found in France, willing to avenge their country men, by filling their pages with odious reflections on the most respectable persons, and on the dearest institutions of Great-Britain. The want of positive laws against these sorts of offences cannot palliate the violation of the law of nations, according to which, peace should put a stop to all hostilities; and, doubtless, those which wound the honour and the reputation of a government, and which tend to cause a revolt of the people, whose interests are confided to that government, are the most apt to lessen the advantages of peace, and to keep up national resentments. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) Otto. To his Excellency Lord Hawkesbury, Minister and Secretary of State for the Foreign Department. No. 11. Letter from Lord Hawkesbury to M. Otto, dated July 28, 1802. Sir, I have the honour to acknow. ledge the receipt of your letter on the subject of the last number of Peltier. It is impossible that his majesty's government could peruse the article in question, without the greatest displeasure, and without an anxious desire that the person who published it should suffer the punishment he so justly deserves. The calumnies, however, to which his majesty's government, and many of the best subjects in this country, are frequently exposed in the public prints, must necessarily convince all foreign governments of the difficul ties which exist in a constitution like that of Great-Britain, in preventing the abuse which is often unavoidably attendant on the greatest of all political benefits; and though publications of this nature are, as they certainly ought to be, by the law of England, subject to punishment, it is often difficult to prove the guilt of an individual so satisfactorily as to obtain the judgment of a court of justice; and the inconvenience which arises from prosecution, unless there is a reasonable prospect of success, is frequently sufficient to deter both the government and individuals from undertaking it. In the present case, I have thought it my duty to refer the article |