Copy of a Letter from Citizen Talleyrand to Citizen Fauveret, Paris, 26 Brumaire, 10th Year, (Nov. 17, 1803.) : I forward to you, citizen, a series of questions, concerning which I am desirous of having your anYou will have the goodness to place them opposite the questions on the same sheet of paper, doubled in two, similar to the one which I have the honour to send to you. I shall be obliged to you to send me this paper as soon as possible, with out, however, suffering your too great haste to be prejudicial to your accuracy. If you are doubtful upon any point, you will have the good. ness to mention it. You will probably find no difficulty in consulting with some well-informed merchants or clerks in the custom-house, who you think may have it in their power to give you some positive information, and you will declare the sources from whence you have drawn that information. You will not consider this business as forming a part of your official correspondence. You must not number it, but you must content yourself with putting 7. What was the price of freight to the principal ports of Europe, each sea ton of 2000 4 P. S. ? 8. What French productions are most in request in the market of the town where you reside, as well as of the other considerable towns in your district? 9. What is the merchandize which can be exported to France with greater advantage from the said markets than from any other? 10. What are the course of exchange, and the current prices of merchandize, from three months to three months, from the year 1792 to 1801? 11. You are required to furnish a plan of the ports of your districts, with a specification of the soundings, for mooring vessels. 12. If no plan of the ports can be procured, you are to point out with what wind vessels can come in and go out, and what is the greatest draught of of water with which vessels can enter therein deeply laden? 13. What are the principal commercial houses ? From the Hamburgh Correspondenten of March 30, 1803. The following article is inserted by desire. Paris, March 15. For some months a war of newspapers, and of the press, has been kept up between France and England. This seemed merely the dying embers of an extinguished con If the heads of these houses are foreigners, you are to point out of what country they are; and, in all cases, you are to state with what countries they are principally connected, and what is their chief line of commerce. 14. What is the usual course of flagration; the last consolation of a exchange? 15. Whether there is a public bank, and what is its organization? 16. Whether there are any insurance companies, public or private, and what are their customs and rules, and the prices of insurance, for European and long voyages? 17. In case there exists any other public establishment which relates to commerce, you are to give every possible detail concerning it, especially in whatever regards manufactures and fisheries. 18. You are to point out the relative conformity of weights and measures with those of France, ancient and modern, as soon as you shall have obtained practical and exact information on those points. 19. You are to add to all this the most extensive information, as well general as particular, which you may be able to obtain from authority, especially with regard to commerce, and particularly respecting false accounts of purchases and sales of different merchandizes, in order to ascertain the expences, rights, and local customs in cases of purchases and sales. 20. Whether there are any fairs in your district; what species of traffic is carried on there, and to what amount. desperate party; the food of some low passions, and a few hungry scribblers. The French government was far from attaching importance to such matters. Notwithstanding some difficulties in the complete execution of the treaty of Amiens, they still believed they might rely on the good faith of the British government, and directed their attention solely to the re-establishment of the colonies. Relying upon the sacredness of treaties, they securely dispersed the remains of the French naval force, which had been given a prey to the English fleet. In this situation suddenly appeared a solemn message from the cabinet of St. James's, and informed all Europe that France was making considerable preparations in the ports of Holland and France; an address was voted by parliament, promising to the king of England such extraordinary means of defence, as the security of the British empire, and the honour of the three crowns, might require.. From the sudden appearance of this message, people doubted whether it was the effect of treachery, of lunacy, or of weakness. Let any one cast his eyes over the ports of France and Holland, where he will find only detached naval prepara tions tions destined for the colonies, and consisting only of one or two line of battle ships, and a few frigates. On the other hand, let him look at the ports of England, filled with a formidable naval force; on such a review, one could be tempted to believe that the message of the king of England was mere irony, if such a farce were not unworthy the majesty of a government. If one considers the influence of factions in so free a country, one might suppose that the king of England had only had the weakness to yield, if weakness were compatible with the first quality of a king. In short, no rational motives remain to which it can be ascribed, except bad faith-except a sworn enmity to the French nation-except perfidy, and the desire of openly breaking a solemn treaty, for the sake of advantages which will be maintained, and the sacrifice of which the honour of France and the faith of treaties forbid. When a man reads this message, he thinks himself transported to the times of those treaties which the Vandals made with the degenerate Romans, when force usurped the place of right, and when, with a hasty appeal to arms, they insulted the antagonist they meant to attack. In the present state of civilization, there is a respect which a great monarch, which a polished people owe to themselves, were that respect no more than to seek a plausible pretext for an unjust war. But in this instance every thing is precipitate, and repugnant to decency and to justice. An eternal war would succeed a dreadful contest; and the more unjust the attack, the more irreconcileable would be its animosity. cite the disapprobation of Europe. While even the English, whose national pride had not entirely blinded them, sighed at this prospect, did the TIMES call the peace of Amiens an armistice, and, in doing so, passed the severest satire on the government it defended; and the rapid fall of the national funds is the first prelude to the misfortunes which may follow as the revenge due for the wound given to all social rights. The French are less intimidated than irritated by the threats of England. They have neither been dispirited by their reverses, nor elated by their victories; in a war to which there appeared no termination, they saw all Europe confederated against them. Their constancy, their courage, and the prompt activity of their government, brought it to a conclusion. This war would have a different object. France would contend for the liberty of the states of Europe, and the sacredness of their treaties; and if the English government be determined to make it a national war, perhaps her boasted formidable naval strength would not be sufficient to decide the result, and to secure the victory. The French, strong in the justice of their cause, and in the confidence they repose in their government, do not dread the new expences and new sacrifices which such a war might render necessary. Their system of finance is more simple and less artificial than that of London, and so much the more solid. It all lies in their soil and in their courage. On the first news of the English message, all eyes were turned to the cabinet of the Thuilleries. Its most trifling motions received a character Such a novelty will doubtless ex- of importance, its most unpremedi tated tated words were eagerly caught up. Every one impatiently expected the assembly for the presentation of foreigners, which madame Bonaparte holds once a month. Every one was prepared to draw some inferences from it. It was as splendid as usual. The first consul made his appearance, and said, on his entrance, to the English ambassador, who was standing beside M. Markoff, "We have been at war for twelve years. The king of England says that France is making immense naval preparations. He has been led into an error. In the French ports there are no preparations of any magnitude. The whole fleet is gone to St. Domingo and the colonies. With regard to the ports of Holland, to which the message likewise alludes, there are only the preparations for the expedition under general Victor, and all Europe knows its destination is for Louisiana. The king says farther, that between the cabinets of Paris and London differences continue. I know of none. It is true that England ought to have evacuated Malta, and Malta is not evacuated; and, as his Britannic majesty has bound himself by the most solemn treaty ever entered into, it is impossible to, doubt of the speedy evacuation of that island; and," added the first consul, "those who would attempt to frighten the French people should know, that it is possible to kill, but not to intimidate them." During the course of the evening, when the first consul happened to be near M. Markoff, he said to him, half aloud, "that the British ministry wished to keep Malta for five years more. Such a proposal was insulting, and no treaties should be entered into, which it was not re solved to observe." At the conclu sion of the assembly, when the English ambassador was about to retire, the first consul said to him, "Madame the duchess of Dorset has spent the unpleasant part of the year at Paris. It is my sincere wish that she may also spend the agreeable season. But if it should happen that we really must go to war, the responsibility is exclusively with those who deny the validity of their own contracts, since they refuse to ob serve treaties which they had concluded." These words of the first consul require no comment. They explain completely his present opinions, his past conduct, and his resolution for the future. It is sufficient to com pare them with the tergiversations, the duplicity, the evasions, and the message of the English government, in order to be enabled to decide on the justice of the dispute. My lord, The last letters from my agent at Zante, furnish me with the information that the Cornelia, French irigate, having on board Horatio Sebastiani, chief of brigade, and charged with a public mission on the part of the first consul of the French republic, came to anchor there on the 3d instant. The envoy finding that a vessel coming from Alexandria was subject to a long quarantine, and could not be permitted to communicate freely with the shore, applied to the delegate of that island for permission to land, which being granted him, he was conducted to the delegate's apartments. He then requested requested, that a meeting of the three orders might be called, which was also complied with, and twelve persons, four of cach order, met in the delegate's house. The envoy Sebastiani then harangued them nearly in the terms of the address, which I have herewith the honour of inclosing to your lordship. His speech, however, contained some additional observations, importing that Bonaparte had been the first to break the chains of the islanders. When he had done speaking, a tumultuous cry was uttered, of Viva la Liberta! Viva l'Uguaglianza! Before his departure, however, he caused to be forwarded to the delegate of Cephalonia, and to the senate of Corfu, copies of the inclosed address, expressing a wish that it might be generally circulated among the people of each island. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) Spiridion Foresti. Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c. &c. &c. consul of the French republic had taken under his protection the Cathohc, Apostolic, and Roman churches of this republic; and, on the 19th December, wrote to the vicar-general of Corfu to inform him of the same; a copy of which permit me to inclose for your perusal. From the proceedings of the French commissary here, and those of the other islands, together with the disposition of the natives, I am afraid that this republic will be a constant theatre of French intrigue. The aforesaid commissaries occasion count Mocenigo and this government an infinite deal of trouble. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) Spiridion Foresti. Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c. &c. &c. Horace Sebastiani, Chief of Brigade of a Regiment of Dragoons, and Envoy of the First Consul in the Levant. To His Excellency the Delegate of Zante. Sir, The first consul Bonaparte has charged me to visit these islands which compose your republic, and to assure the inhabitants, that he takes a lively interest in their prosperity. I know that the difference of political opinions divides this rising republic into various parties, and that, without the wise measures taken by your government, its tranquillity will be destroyed. I could wish to make known to your administrators and fellow-citizens how much the first consul wishes to see a stop put to those intestine divisions which afflict these islands. Your |