in the verge of those outcries and complaints. I have demonstrated what I undertook to prove, that the United Kingdom is infinitely better improved, than it ever was before; and of consequence would sell for more: that the lands are every where cultivated with more skill and capital, with more enterprize and labour; and of consequence must produce much moe than they ever did before: it is thus apparent, that our agriculture has prospered greatly, during those long wars. IV. Of our Foreign Trade. The next object of inquiry, is, whether our commerce has kept pace with the progress of our agriculture, during our long enduring wars. The average of the three years 1755-56-57, shews the amount of the value of our exports, when the war of 1756 began, to have been, L.12,371,552 The greatest year of exports, during the war, was that of 1809; amounting to But this vast amount was far surpassed by that of 1814, amounting to to the 10th of October, 1815, there is reason to believe, that the exports of 1815 have even surpassed the vast export of the preceding year. Such, then, was the prodigious augmentation of the foreign trade of Great Britain; while the British traders, owing to their capital and enterprize, and to the protection of the British fleets, in some measure engrossed the whole traffic of the commercial world; though the nation was embarrassed, but not obstructed, by the great demands, and smaller supplies of bullion, owing chiefly to the convulsions of the American countries, and the continental system. 2dly. With regard to the trade of Ireland: The value of the whole exports of Ireland in 1701 was only In 1751 L. 779,109 1,854,605, Now, it is quite evident to all, who are capable of reasoning on such subjects, that it required, 24,753,867 both in Ireland and in Britain, more people and industry, more capital and enterprize, to export the cargoes of 1809 and 1814 from both, than the cargoes of 1801 and of 1751: and, whence did Great Britain and Ireland de33,614,902 rive all those augmentations of enterprize and capital, of industry and people? The answer must be; from their own powers of repro50,301,763 duction, under a happy constitution, and a mild government. 56,591,514 V . The fifth object of inquiry must be with regard to the shipping, which were necessary for export From the Custom-house accounts, which have been made up ing those vast cargoes: The quantity of tonnage, British and foreign, which were required to transport the exports of the years 1755-56 and 57, were, upon an average of those years The quantity of tonnage, British and foreign, which were necessary for exporting the cargoes of the years 1793-4 and 5, were, upon an average of those years The quantity of tonnage, British and foreign, which were necessary for exporting the cargoes of the years 1803-4 and 6, were, upon an ave British. Foreign. The Total. changes, and the collateral questions, arising from these enigmatical topics. Tons. Tons. Tons. 496,254 76,456 572,710 1,255,939 262,558 1,518,498 rage of those years 1,470,520 589,404 2,059,924 The whole ship ping, which transported the great export of 1809, amount. ed to The whole shipping, which transported the greater cargo of 1814, amounted to 2,230,902 2,447,268 What I published in 1811, on those litigated topics at that period, I see no reason to change: what I wrote was derived from the experience of the commercial world, and from the practice of daily business: what I then foretold, has actually occurred. I then said, that what had happened be fore, as to the price of bullion, and the fluctuation of exchanges, would again happen, when the commercial pressures of the continental system were removed. That system, and its author, are both undone for ever. Commerce, and exchanges, have already begun to run in their usual channels. The exchanges have become favourable; and the prices of bullion have fallen to five per cent. above the mint price of 31. 178. 101d. though the countries of bullion are agitated with desires of independence: In another country of agitations, the exchanges are, indeed, unfavourable, owing to the decline of prices, in all the products of agriculture. I do not learn that the Doctors in Political Economy have any other prescription for such a disorder, which is not un-frequent in Ireland, than patient perseverance in well doing. med up, in January 1786, a debt was found to be due, by the public, of 238,231,2487. Mr. Pitt, who then, happily, conducted the affairs of this country, not only made the annual income quite equal to the national expenditure; but, provided a sinking fund of a million, for the gradual payment of that debt. The Parliament, who effected his measures of finance, and the people, who heartily concurred with both, have covered themselves with glory. The sinking fund was strengthened by annual grants of money: it was energized by various measures of finance; and the sinking fund, as its management had been wisely established, was providently applied to its real object; so that before December, 1813, the whole of that vast debt was completely paid off, and a surplus remaining in hand of 20,000,000l. Here, then, is an example of a very large debt being paid off, by a sinking fund, when conducted under prudent management; and this example is one of the resources of the State. After liquidating that debt, and sustaining the public credit, throughout the pressures of such a war against the nation, and its commerce, there remained, on the 1st of February, 1815, a sinking fund of 11,324,760l. the sheet-anchor of the State. But the war of 1793, as it was the longest, and conducted on the largest scale, having other nations to sustain, has involved the State in larger debts than all our former wars had created. The public, on the 1st of February, 1815, owed a funded L. 649,076,905 68,580,524 Another resource of the State is, the clearness wherewith the public accounts are stated, and the publicity which is given to the incumbrances, and means of the community. The people of the United Kingdom, during the reign of king William, could not have moved under the weight of such incumbrances. But, the much more numerous people of the present times, who are better instructed and usefully employed, with an agriculture infinitely superior, with manufactures vastly more extensive and profitable, with a foreign trade, and shipping, beyond all comparison greater, move with ease under such incumbrances. We have seen with what facility, notwithstanding the pressures of war, the people executed such numerous and various works, for the local improvements of their country, which, considering their vastness and utility, emulate the Roman labours: hence we may infer, that time is one of the resources of the State. If we inquire from what source the people of the United Kingdom have derived such vast and increasing wealth, we shall find, that it was not owing to conquests, or mines; but to the perfect safety, which they derive from their salulary laws; to the energetic industry, which is urged and rewarded by that sense of safety; to the im mense commerce, domestic and foreign, of inspirited people: so that, from those causes originate those prodigious reproductions of opulence, which appear, at successive periods, to the astonishment of the world; and which have induced commercial writers to maintain, that the resources of such a people are inexhaustible, while fostered by circumspection. THE FLORIDA QUESTION STATED. BY H. M. BRACKENRIDGE. FEW questions have produced much resemblance to those obsti justice, where all the feelings and passions are enlisted, where it is almost hopeless that the parties will of themselves ever come to an agreement, and where the interposition of a judge is therefore indispensable. On either side of such cases, the most cogent reasons may be urged, but absolute demonstration, from the nature of the subject, is impossible; all that the ablest judge can do, is to weigh the arguments of the parties, with due impartiality, and then decide according to the best of his understanding. But when nations are the parties in similar questions, who shall decide between them? The most sober, and disin so much discussion, as the conflict-nately litigated causes in courts of ing claims of the United States and the king of Spain, to that part of Florida, which stretches from the Mississippi to the Perdido. It has been brought before the public in every possible shape; it has been the subject of debate on the floor of congress; it has been the theme of numerous newspaper essays; and has lately given rise to unpleasant recriminations, between the Spanish minister in this country, and our secretary of state. To Spain, the subject of dispute is more a matter of pride, than of interest; to the United States, how ever, for the most obvious reasons, it is of the greatest value: this is not mentioned, however, as entitled to weight, on either side, interested among them, and among the discussion. The possibility of a rupture with Spain, renders this affair particularly important at the present moment; as it will undoubtedly constitute one of the principal points of difference. The first consideration with every people, should be to act justly and honourably in all their dealings; in the end, this will always prove the truest wisdom. If we have been led into error, let us retrace our steps, and endeavour to make atonement; if right, let us persist in our course with the confidence and courage of self-approbation; but let us first examine the ground on which we stand, fairly and dispassionately. The very nature of this question, it must be admitted, presents a serious difficulty. It bears too other nations. The best mind, when swayed by passion or interest, can no longer be trusted. Perhaps, no people on earth are less entitled to decide promptly or alone, on such occasions, than we Americans; our intimate connexion with all affairs of government, almost identifies the public interests, with our private concerns. The greater, therefore, the necessity of self-distrust, and of being particularly cautious, that our opinions, where the interests of the nation are at stake, be truly the result of honest examination and not the workings of selfish feelings. If justice be our object, no case can exist, wherein this impartiality is more necessary than the Florida question. That the reader may have be |