road-companions fell into the hands of the gendarmes and was induced to betray the whereabouts of his old leader, who would otherwise have escaped attention, since he was beloved and protected by the poor, who constitute the majority in most countries, and especially along the lower Danube.

With this information in their hands the police, who had been suspiciously dilatory in hunting down this object of their pursuit, arrested the famous bandit and incarcerated him in the same cell with the informer. Shortly afterward the two prisoners, reënforced by the guard specially detailed to watch them, departed for parts unknown, apparently with the cognizance of the whole prison staff.

Unhappily, however,

Tomescu's

character has been utterly ruined by this experience. He is plying his original profession more actively than ever, and no longer stops at murder. A whole company of gendarmes has been detailed especially to take him; but the peasants, who are the principal beneficiaries of his activities, have so far

successfully protected him. Among his recent exploits is that of walking into the house of a priest in broad daylight, although the priest was forewarned that an attempt might be made to rob him and had a guard of soldiers in front of his home. Tomescu disguised himself as a woman and, borrowing an infant for the occasion, secured admission to the residence on the plea that he wished the child baptized. Once inside, he garroted the priest and departed as he had come, with the baby and a hundred thousand lei of church money. He recently stopped an automobile carrying a party of wealthy tourists, relieved them of their surplus funds, that is, all but a few lei for their immediate use, entertained them for some time with his adventures, and, observing that they carried an pensive camera with them, had himself photographed as a memento of the pleasant meeting.

On the whole, Tomescu seems to afford a striking example of the demoralizing effect of even a short prisonterm on an otherwise virtuous bandit.

[IN response to the many requests for a statement of what might be called his political platform, Marshal Feng Yuhsiang recently prepared the article of which the following is an authoritative translation. In view of Marshal Feng's influence in China's affairs, this statement is of more than passing interest.]

I JOINED the army at an early age, and began with the rank and file. I have been in the midst of many battles, fighting in Shensi, Honan, Hunan, and Szechwan. I have seen many soldiers wounded and killed, many people made destitute, and many homes laid waste. Reviewing the past, I cannot help being possessed by a feeling of sorrow and heartache.

Ever since our intercourse with foreign countries, our national status has been jeopardized and our territory has been gradually reduced. To-day is the time when everyone should be inspired to work for the salvation of the country. Instead, however, we see continuous internal strife. Thus the country is beset, not only with dangers from without, but also with misfortunes from within.

What sins have the people committed that they should be thus afflicted? Are we so badly lacking in ability for national upbuilding. Or is it that we do not take the trouble to think of the ways and means to achieve it?

I have made a study of the cause, and

1 From the Peking Leader (Chinese-owned, American-edited, English-language daily), Novem

ber 22

I have found where the trouble lies. It is not that there is no way to enrich or strengthen the country. The most important point is to replace the present tendency for mutual strife by a spirit of coöperation and mutual concession, sacrificing all party feelings and working with one heart and one soul for the protection of the country

those with intelligence to use their ability, and those with valor to use their strength. When this is done our object may be attained.

On account of pressure of official duties I have not had opportunity to make, as I should have wished to do, any definite statement. However, the events of the past have not escaped my memory, and the laying out of plans for the future has always been on my mind. Only since my arrival in Kalgan have I been able to find leisure to write about and express my views. This statement is published in response to the repeated requests of numerous friends. However, it is not to be taken as a publication of any literary merit, but only as a narration of opinions. FENG YU-HSIANG

Office of the Director-General of Northwestern Frontier Defense, Sixth Moon, Fourteenth Year of the Republic of China (June 1925)

Although the Republic has been established for fourteen years, internal strife has not ceased. The country has not only suffered a heavy loss of life and property, but her place in the comity of nations has been considerably lowered. At this time, when the living

of the people has been rendered most difficult and the country is under the economic oppression of the foreign Powers, we cannot afford to see any more internal strife or to allow the country to continue in a state of chaos.

On account of the welfare of the people alone it is necessary to direct the administration toward a proper course. Not qualified for such work, I have heretofore refrained from discussing politics. Now that I am being pressed for opinions, I can only present the following four suggestions for the consideration of the intelligent pub

lic:

1. To Make the Country a Real Republic. Our country, though already fourteen years a republic, is, as far as I can see, a republic only in name. To make her a real republic two things have to be done.

First, we have to foster public education, teaching the people the true meaning of democracy, imbuing them with the idea that the people are the masters of the country, and nourishing in them a power and desire to protect the Republic, so that anyone working against the Republic will be recognized as a public enemy and monarchical plots may not find soil to thrive on.

Then we have to eradicate all existing influences inimical to the Republic. There are still not a few conservatives among the people. These never fail to use the argument that the country is not yet ripe for a republic in preaching for a change in the form of government. Consequently the shortsighted and avaricious take advantage of this kind of thinking to scheme for the subversion of the Republic. Although they invariably fail disastrously in the end, yet, on account of the constant strife they bring about, great suffering is caused the people.

This is exemplified by the attempts of Yuan Shih-kai to become emperor and

of Chang Hsun to restore the monarchy. Therefore, all propaganda against the Republic or for a change in the form of government should be prohibited by law and stigmatized by society.

Up to last year Pu Yi, on account of his empty title of emperor not having been abolished, with foreign assistance, and following the machinations of some conservatives, had been constantly waiting for an opportunity to make another movement for the restoration of the monarchy. Articles of artistic, literary, and historical value had continually been stolen out of his palace to be sent abroad to be added to the collections of foreign museums. Such action on his part might not only do great harm to the people, but might imperil the safety of his own person as well. That is the reason why I always advocated the abolition of the Imperial title, the throwing open to the public of the forbidden palace, and the working out of a plan for the Manchus to earn a livelihood.

Now that Pu Yi's title of emperor has been abolished and the private and public properties that have been in his keeping are no longer so, Pu Yi, on the one hand, besides getting out of his false position, will not fail to become a rich man in the Republic of China; and the country, on the other hand, while being able to have her national property preserved, will free herself of a peril against her safety.

The existence of an emperor bearing an empty title and holding court as if he still had a small government in the capital of the Republic, within whose sphere the jurisdiction of the Republic could not function, is against the principle of republicanism and calls for ridicule from neighboring States; hence it could not in the least be tolerated. Hereafter the republican form of government should be reserved as a thing absolutely inviolable, and the

duty of upholding it rests with the people. Being one of the people, I shall set myself up as an example.

2. To Promote Self-Government. Since our country has become a republic, there is no question but that her administrative system should be developed along the principle of a government by the people. While we must not adopt the system of any specific foreign country, nor take blindly to any doctrine that may be advanced, we do not need to shun them. No single system can be said to be the very best, but each is chosen simply because it suits the condition of the particular country and all doctrines have reasons for their being preached.

Those working for the welfare of the country should not hesitate to make a thorough study of them. The point lies in the capability to pick out what will serve the people most suitably.

The principles of self-government are government of the people by the people, universal love of freedom, mutual coöperation, refusal to countenance oppression, and refraining from oppressing. These are adaptable in Europe and America, in our country, and everywhere in the world.

Regarding Communism, considering the weakness of our country and the backwardness of her economic condition, the doctrine can never work, and therefore it cannot be adopted. As to Bolshevism, it is totally out of the question.

Using the principle of self-government to build up a nation means simply basing upon the spirit of a constitutional government the fostering of the right of the people to ensure the country's peace and advancement. At this time, when the right of the people is asserting itself everywhere in the world, there is no longer any possibility of maintaining a difference between the governing and the governed, not even

out in the country where people are rather slow in the acceptance of the conception of the principle of selfgovernment.

However, on account of constant disturbance, this country has not yet been able to promulgate a constitution; hence there is no basis on which to introduce local self-government and the Republic is only one in name, while the official system of government handed down by the previous régime remains. Consequently the country makes no progress.

Therefore it is of first importance to make a constitution. With the making of the constitution the foundation of the country will be laid. The Central Government can then introduce district self-government according to the stipulation in the constitution, putting an end to military government and doing away with all obstructions in the form of unequal privileges.

But meanwhile the people must be given the necessary training in theoretical education, twice as much as in actual practice; otherwise the government will be monopolized by a few of the unscrupulous gentry to the detriment of the various districts. To do this the Central Government should provide sufficient funds to establish investigating bureaus and lecture halls to teach proper citizenship.

When this has been widely disseminated definite plans must be laid out to direct the putting into practice of the teaching thus received. After this, inspecting parties must be sent out from time to time to see if the system of self-government is evolved in the desired order. The foundation being laid, gradual development can be reasonably expected.

3. To Maintain Peace in the Country. To build up a nation, whatever method may be used, internal strife must first of all be stopped. Unless the

people can live and work peacefully, no progress can be made. That is why I oppose unification by military force. Using the people as a sacrifice to get power and wealth is a thing I do not favor. Besides, being an official of the Republic is nothing to be envious of; he is only a public servant, and if, in his high position, he is not able to do any good for the people, his stay in office will be short-lived and his name will be branded forever.

Again, to place the country's wealth in the hands of a few persons, causing distress and poverty to the rest, will result in disturbance, and in the end the former will lose both life and property. Many instances of this have been seen since the inauguration of the Republic.

Therefore coöperation to strengthen the country's position is better than fighting for power, and coöperation to open up the many resources so as to improve the economic condition of the people is better than plundering each other.

With this in view I shall always advocate the maintenance of peace. Unless the existence of the nation is at stake I shall never wish to see war. Even if war is unavoidable, I shall do my best to mediate and shall not allow myself to be involved. Thus adventurers will have no opportunity to instigate trouble, and those working for the good of the country will be enabled to coöperate.

I adopted this policy several years ago. Hence the soldiers under me are trained, not merely to fight, but to protect the nation and to be worthy citizens, so that while in the army they have sufficient knowledge in military art to be a defense against attacks on the nation and when demobilized they have adequate training in handicrafts to earn an honest living. I see that they strictly observe discipline, I encourage them to study, I pay attention to their

virtues, and I cause them to learn handicrafts.

With an understanding of their duty, and having acquired a means to earn a livelihood, they will of their own accord not choose to be dependent upon intimidating and plundering the people.

If soldiers are kept for the sole purpose of making war, they will destroy and plunder while in the army and do unlimited harm when disbanded. Employing soldiers to maintain peace is my object, and with this object in view I look for coöperation to do away with the tendency toward mutual strife and destruction.

If we are to follow the footsteps of the more advanced nations and work for the country's prosperity, we must further economic development. The vastness of our territory and the richness of her resources are looked upon with eager interest by all other States. However, on account of our backwardness in industrial sciences, and because of capitalistic oppression, the resources are left undeveloped and the people's power of earning a livelihood is greatly reduced. This state of affairs, if allowed to continue, will certainly result in the control of the country's resources passing into the hands of foreigners.

Our country's natural resources are among the richest in the world. Agricultural lands in the provinces are not yet fully cultivated, and mines are mostly left untouched. The coal fields in the province of Shansi alone are capable of supplying the world for several centuries.

The large plains of the Northeast and Northwest, abundant in pastures, are natural cattle-rearing grounds far superior to those of the Argentine. These unpopulated lands if farmed and cultivated will become some of the best places for farm supplies in the world.

Aside from those, there are Tibet,