[THIS is the speech delivered by ExPresident Alessandri at a banquet given in his honor at Arica last November upon his arrival as an 'unofficial observer' for his Government.]

OUR negotiations at Washington were initiated with perfectly definite and precise objects in view. First of all, they were designed to terminate forever the old problem left over from the war with Peru, and by establishing peace in the South American Continent to restore the ancient and traditional friendship that bound us to our neighbor on the north. They had furthermore another even loftier purpose that of establishing a closer bond of brotherhood between Chile and the rest of America. In a word, they constituted a great step forward toward the ideal of Pan-Americanism in all its amplitude. We hoped through these negotiations to remove all traces of the ancient friction between our country and the Great Republic of North America - or, to express it better, not friction between Chile and North America, but susceptibilities wounded by the equivocal acts of certain representatives of that great nation. These were the grand and noble ideals that inspired the Washington negotiations.

The Government of Peru had declared before the world that the Ancon Treaty had lapsed, and had given this theory a certain currency abroad by

1 From La Prensa (Buenos Aires Liberal daily), November 17

publishing a White Book, in which it unfairly charged Chile with being responsible for the defeasance of that Treaty.

The negotiations at Washington dissipated the cloud that had thus gathered about Chile's reputation, since they showed that the Treaty was still in force, and since the decision rendered by the President of the United States, which is based on right and justice, fully accepted Chile's thesis. Consequently the Washington judgment was regarded by the world as fully vindicating our attitude and as endorsing the procedure and purposes which our Government had in view when it inaugurated those negotiations.

In substance, the President's decision was that all issues raised by the war with Peru should be settled by a plebiscite, as provided in the Ancon Treaty; and this was the thesis that Chile had maintained. Our action, moreover, accomplished another important object, since it established the peace of the Continent upon a firm and unshakable foundation by enforcing the principle that treaties must be fulfilled. Unless this principle is observed, peace, harmony, and concord are impossible among nations. Last of all, still another of the objects we had in view was brought within sight of attainment — that of placing our intercourse with our old friend of earlier days, Peru, upon an harmonious, settled, and friendly footing; for the observance of international treaties in

a spirit of fairness and justice is indispensable for mutual understanding and good-will between neighboring peoples.

The Washington judgment also accomplished what the President of Chile most ardently desired by creating a new spirit of cordiality, fraternity, and inseparable union between the people of the North American Republic and the people of our own country. Unquestionably that is a long step forward toward Pan-Americanism, which has always been one of the grandest and noblest ideals of our Continent.

Chile is intensely eager to enjoy the loyal and sincere friendship of the United States, because she admires that country's material greatness, and, far more than this, its moral greatness. She is keenly aware of the economic ties that have grown up between that nation and ourselves, of the vast sums of money American citizens have invested in our country, and of the material and moral progress which this has brought us. And when the President of that great republic recognized the justice and rightfulness of our claims, your President felt a deep and overwhelming sense of satisfaction at having realized one of his most cherished ideals inseparable union between that mighty constellation of the North and our Lone Star Republic.

Chile trusted, and still justly trusts, in this friendship, for the greatness of nations is not measured solely by the extent of their territories; it is not measured solely by the riches they have amassed; it is not measured solely by their energy and material progress; but there are likewise moral factors full worthy to weigh equally with these in the balance when comparing the peoples of the earth. It is to these last factors that I especially appeal in behalf of Chile, since we cannot rival other lands in material greatness and territorial extent, but we can rival them

The decision of the arbiter was explicit and categorical in enjoining upon the Plebiscitary Commission as its first and immediate duty the promulgation of regulations for holding a just and honest plebiscite such as Chile wishes, such as she has offered to accept, such as she is willing to recognize. Nevertheless, gentlemen, the national anxiety, the alarm, that you and the whole country from one end to the other, from Tacna to the Straits of Magellan, feel at the course that the debates in the Plebiscitary Commission have taken, and the developments toward which the negotiations seem to be tending, is well grounded.

cern

Our people have watched with conaye, with anguish - sunrise follow sunrise and days lengthen into weeks while, notwithstanding our reiterated petitions, inspired by the wisest patriotism and argued with the greatest ability before the Commission by our representative, Señor Edwards, the holding of the plebiscite has been deferred.

I myself, gentlemen, have caught this contagion of concern, a concern that I share, not with one person or with two persons, but with all Chile, until it has become like a great heartthrob of the nation. Indeed, the weight of this care rests upon me more heavily than upon others; for, if you will

excuse my apparent immodesty in mentioning it, I initiated the negotiations that have produced the present situation. I conceived them and carried them out to their successful conclusion at Washington, thereby winning a victory for my country and adding world-wide prestige to her name. I viewed this achievement with the affection that a father bestows upon his son, with the gratification that an artist feels in regarding his masterpiece when it incorporates fully the aspirations of his soul. Consequently, I am intensely concerned lest something unforeseen defer that era of fraternity, that golden age of American peace, that ideal Pan-Americanism, of which I dreamed when the negotiations at Washington began. The delay in issuing regulations for the plebiscite may, through the very force of contingent circumstances, rob those negotiations, which seemed so happily consummated, of their fruit. This alarms me. But at the same time, gentlemen, a breath of hope lifts my spirit and I seem to catch the radiance of a bow of promise on the horizon. I flatter myself that the regulations for which we appeal and which we demand will soon be issued, and every Chilean heart will burst forth in an hosanna of praise to justice.

The neutralization of the territories of Tacna and Arica is demanded. That is going beyond the Ancon Treaty, going beyond the Washington Protocol, going beyond the arbiter's decision. Chile would never have accepted that, because she could not accept it. Nor could guaranties legally be demanded of Chile; for these under the Treaty of Ancon, under the Arbitration Protocol, or under the arbiter's decision, she is clearly authorized to refuse - no matter by what authority they might be prescribed. The whole world would justify Chile in her refusal, for when

men or nations dictate measures contrary to our immutable concepts of right and justice no one can approve them. Chile could have rejected any proposal for guaranties on the ground that they were not contemplated in the Washington decision, in the Protocol, or in the Treaty; and all the world would have said that Chile was right.

Notwithstanding all this, however, our country did, at much sacrifice, consent to certain guaranties, and she did well in thus abandoning her clearly recognized technical rights in order that not the shadow of a suspicion of coercion might rest upon the plebiscite. But in thus generously granting these guaranties, she becomes doubly entitled to demand the strict fulfillment of the arbiter's decision. And that is all she asks. When Señor Edwards speaks in the Plebiscitary Commission, he speaks with the voice of Chile, with a voice that resounds with the vibration of his nation's soul. It is the unanimous demand of our people that the plebiscite be held without procrastination or delay, and that rules for balloting be drafted promptly.

Now that we have given these guaranties I shall beg your attention a moment while I state precisely the legal situation in which Chile finds herself.

We are asked for an honest and fair plebiscite. We are ready to do our generous best to ensure one. But we cannot permit, under the guise of this concession, an intolerable invasion of our unquestioned rights. We cannot allow the pretext of an honest and fair plebiscite to impair the rights we acquired by the Ancon Treaty, rights that we reserved in the Protocol providing for the Washington negotiations and that are fully reaffirmed in the arbiter's decision under that Protocol. Now let me retrace briefly some of

It is a biological law that any organism that feels itself attacked should react violently to that threat. Thus it is that Tacna and Arica, seeing themselves menaced with the bare possibility of being severed from Chile, have violently repelled the mere suggestion. That explains certain incidents. That explains why the mere publication of President Coolidge's award produced in Peru a feeling of disastrous defeat; for public sentiment, the national soul, cannot be deceived. Peru realized that when the bells rang out for the plebiscite they would also toll the knell of her hopes. Neither were the people of Chile deceived. The soul of our nation had an instinctive presentiment that President Coolidge's decision meant victory for us, meant the final incorporation of these provinces in our territory by a vote of their inhabitants. Indeed, the different reception given the arbiter's award in the two countries was itself proof positive of the true wishes of the disputed provinces.

Let me add one thing right here. It is all-important that nothing should be done to impair the sanctity of this decision. For that would mean seriously imperiling the very purpose of the Washington negotiations. Let all our conduct and our actions be inspired with a sense of courtesy, nobility, self-respect, and self-possession. We must by all means avoid any act of personal violence. Bear in mind, gentlemen, that every blow you strike, every shot you fire, is a blow struck or a shot fired against your own country. Such acts merely inspire new protests that make the carrying out of the plebiscitary decree more difficult.

Bear in mind, gentlemen, that we have no right to interfere with a

on our part gives our adversaries an excuse to accuse Chile of exercising duress. It enables them to practise dilatory tactics, to put us in a false light before the world, and to charge us with making a farce of a decision that we have pledged ourselves loyally to obey. Gentlemen, patriotism demands many things of us, and the greatest of these is self-control. Patriotism is the supreme form of altruism. It is a sacred fire that burns in the bosoms of our fellow citizens as in a tabernacle, and that inspires us to sacrifice all for the fatherland. This unselfish sentiment imposes the loftiest obligations and duties upon us as individuals, even to the extent of giving our lives, if necessary, for our country. It is not too much, therefore, that it should demand of us the minor sacrifice of self-control, if ever we should feel an impulse to thrust a dagger into the heart of our country, albeit in a paroxysm of devotion to her.

I have come here to defend the cause of right and justice. I approve giving guaranties, because right and justice cannot be enforced by blows. Mere might cannot make right.

I have come here to reason in our behalf. All I ask is that you have confidence in me and in our worthy representative, Señor Edwards, and his assistants. I have come here to assure you that we shall win. In return I ask you to do what I beg of you and not what your passions may suggest. Chile should consider this struggle a holy crusade, to be fought with the spirit of crusaders. Last of all, gentlemen, bear constantly in mind the larger ends we had in view in initiating the Washington negotiations, and conduct this contest in a noble and generous spirit, so that no resentments and rancor may remain when it is over.