been sufficient for the offence, such as that might have been. He could discover but one objection to the measure which he was about to propose, and that was, from the practice of the house in requiring a petition to be presented at their bar, acknowledging the justness of the punishment, and expressing contrition for the offence. It might be a fair object of question,whether there was any thing in the principle of that house which utterly prohibited a spontaneous act of justice; or whether it was beyond the privilege of any member to suggest that act of justice. It might be asked, whether such a requisition as an acknowledgement of the offence was strictly in the power of any court dealing in justice. But the house would feel that their power was to be exercised with less violence to human feelings than that of any other jurisdiction; and that if they were powerful-if jurisdiction had been intrusted to them by a people loving their liberties-if they had obtained a right to inflict punishment, that infliction was to be the rarest exercise of their strength they were to feel the solemn pledge under which they stood, the great responsibility under which they were charged to administer justice tempered with mercy. After much sound reasoning and a fine appeal to the feelings of the house, the learned and hon. member asked, was the sufferer to be released, not by the justice of the house, but by its want of power? Supposing Mr. Jones indissolubly wedded to his opinion, an obstinate heretic, was it to be justified that the worst of all the kinds of punishment, indefinite punishment, "the hope deferred," that oppresses and bends down the whole man more heavily than any infliction which he

can measure with his eye and prepare to encounter, should be let loose upon him for such an offence as that which he had committed; or that the homage of Mr. Jones, a man in humble life, should be thought the only thing that could appease the angry pride of the house? This was not to be persisted in; but, let the feeling of offended dignity be what it might, there were superior feelings which the house would acknowledge. Those were the feelings of justice,, the feelings of reason, the feelings of that great compound of justice and virtue, humanity. The hon. member concluded a most eloquent speech, by moving that Mr. Gale Jones should be summoned to the bar of the house, on Tuesday, and then discharged.

This motion excited a long and very animated debate, in which all the force and powers of eloquence were in its favour, but it was nevertheless negatived by a majority of 48.

April 17.

Lord Cochrane brought up the petition of the electors of Westminster, on that day assembled in Palace-yard, and moved that it should lie on the table.

The following is a copy of the petition :

"To the hon. the commons of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in parliament assembled.

"The petition and remonstrance of the inhabitant householders of the city and liberties of Westminster, assembled in New Palaceyard, the 17th day of April 1810, by the appointment of Arthur Morris, esq. the high bailiff, in pursuance of a requisition for that purpose.

"We, the inhabitant householders, electors of the city and liber

ties of Westminster, feel most sensibly the indignity offered to this city in the person of our beloved representative, whose letter to us has fallen under the censure of your honourable house; but which, so far from deserving that censure, ought,, in our opinion, to have led your honourable house to reconsider the subject which he had so ably, legally, and constitutionally discussed. We were convinced that no one ought to be prosecutor and juror, judge, or executioner in his own cause; much less to assume, accumulate, and exercise all those offices in his own person. We are convinced that the refusal of your hon, house to inquire into the conduct of Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Perceval, then two of his majesty's ministers, when distinctly charged with the sale of a seat in your hon. house, evidence of which was offered at the bar by a member of your honourable house; and the avowal in your honourable house, that such practices were as notorious as the sun at noon-day,' practices at the bare mention of which the speaker declared that our ancestors would have startled with indignation; and the committal of sir Francis Burdett to prison, enforced by military power; are circumstances which render evident the imperious necessity of an immediate reform in the representation of the people. We therefore most earnestly call upon your honourable house to restore to us our representative; and, according to the notice he has given, to take the state of the representation of the people into your serious consideration; a reform in which is, in our opinion, the only means of preserving the people from military despotism."

[The success of this and many

other similar petitions will be noticed further on.]

April 30.

The chancellor of the exchequer brought up a message from his majesty, which was read by the speaker, and was in substance as follows:

"George R.-His majesty finds it necessary to state to the house of commons, that in consequence of the continued occupation of the territories of the duke of Brunswick by the French armies, since the unfortunate events which were attended by the lamented death of his illustrious father in 1806, his serene highness the duke of Brunswick Wolfenbuttel, his majesty's nephew, has, after a series of gallant but unavailing efforts for the recovery of his possessions, been compelled to seek an asylum in his majesty's dominions. His majes ty, therefore, recommends it to this house, tc consider of the means of enabling him to make some provision for the establishment of his serene highness, during such time as the state of the continent may continue to preclude the return of his serene highness to his own do. minions; and his majesty relies with confidence on the loyalty and attachment of his faithful commons to make such provision for this purpose as may be suitable to the rank and to the misfortunes of a prince so nearly allied to his majesty's throne, and for whom his majesty's feelings are so strongly interested.

"G. R."

May 4. The chancellor of the exchequer moved, that the house should resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, on his majesty's message, relative to a provision for the duke of Brunswick; which was accordingly done (Mr. Lushington in the chair). The right honourable gentleman then

said, it would not be necessary for him to trouble the house with many observations. Since the commencement of the French revolution, the house had uniformly acceded to grants of provision for those who, had sacrificed their interests on the continent, by espousing the cause which this country had embraced in the contest. In addition to this, he believed that the near connection between the illustrious individual in question and the sovereign of this country was to be considered, as the principal cause why such extreme severity had been exercised against him. When, in addition to this, it was recollected, that the duke of Brunswick had given such a splendid instance of heroism in the diversion he had made in favour of Austria, and afterwards in fighting his way from the borders of Bohemia to the banks of the Elbe, with the brave band who accompanied him, he thought no one would object to the motion he should submit to the consideration of the house; the object of which was to settle on the duke of Brunswick the sum of 70001. a year out of the civil list, over and above the pay as colonel of the regiment he brought over with him, which would be about 15007. a year.

Lord Milton did not rise to object to the motion; but when he considered the immense pressure of taxes under which the people of this country at present laboured, to which cause he really believed the irritation and discontent that now prevailed was more to be attributed than to any other that had been mentioned, the house ought to be extremely cautious how they consented to add to such burdens. There were other sources out of which such grants might issue, without burdening the people. The

droits of admiralty amounted to a very large sum, which was entirely at the disposal of his majesty, and he thought it the duty of ministers to consider, and answer to the house why this provision, and others of a similar nature, should not be provided out of that fund.

Mr. H. Martin was exactly of the same opinion with the noble lord who spoke last; and though he did not mean to oppose the motion, he thought the provision should be made from the droits of admiralty, and not from the pockets of the people.

Captain Parker expressed himself in favour of the motion. It would, he said, be a dreadful thing to see a prince begging in the streets, and much more repugnant to the feelings of the people of this country than the payment of the sum required.

Mr. I. H. Brown thought that in the present high commercial prosperity of this country, the house ought not to hesitate at granting the sum required by the motion. When it was considered how nearly allied the illustrious personage in question was to his majesty, and that he had a large family to support as well as himself, he hoped there would be no objection to the motion, which had his hearty concurrence and support.

Sir J. Newport said, that neither the noble lord nor his honourable friend who followed him had made the smallest objection to the grant, but only to the fund from which it was to be drawn. The honourable gentleman who had just sat down had stated that the duke of Brunswick had a large family to support. If so, he supposed the piety of the honourable gentleman must be much offended, as he (sir J. Newport) had been informed the duke

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release of their fellow-subjects from what the petitioners deemed an unjust and illegal imprisonment. Some of these petitions were rejected, as containing too much the spirit of remonstrance; others were admitted to lie on the table. They almost all asked, as a security from similar proceedings, a reform in parliament. This subject was, as we shall see, taken up by Mr. Brande, the member for Hertfordshire, and the measure which he proposed was the most moderate that could be conceived, and appeared almost unexceptionable. It was simply to have a committee to take the representation into consideration, in order that such corrections might be suggested as the state of the case required. The arguments adduced by the honourable member were strong and borne out by facts that could not be denied; but the majority was decisive against all inquiry. The same weight, and by nearly the same persons, was opposed to the arguments of Mr. Grattan and others, in defence of the rights and privileges of our catholic brethren.

The first subject which now demands our attention was that introduced by earl Grey, respecting the present state of the country.' His lordship, on the 17th of May, rose in his place, and said that when he turned his mind to the consideration of the present state of this country, which every thinking man must at this moment be coinpelled to do with the utmost seri ousness and anxiety; whether he looked at our situation as connected with foreign affairs, or the management of our domestic concerns; whether he looked at the conduct and events of the war in which we were engaged, or at the measures pursued at home; in whatever light

he endeavoured to view our situation, either as to the conduct of government, or the state of the pub. lic mind, he must confess that the feelings by which he was actuated were any other than those of joy, or cheerfulness, or hope. The claims that such considerations had upon their lordships' attention, and that of every public man in the country, were irresistible; and he felt it to be his bounden duty to take this public notice of them in their lordships' house of parliament. Our situation was, indeed, such as must make it desirable to give support to the government and constitution of the country, which were at present placed in a situation of singular danger. But it was far from his intention to add to the evils of the country by rallying round, as it was called, or joining with the present administration, which was so mainly the cause of our existing dangers. Notwithstanding that report had been pretty generally, he hoped not maliciously, circulated, he took that opportunity to state to the house and the public, that it was very far from any intention entertained by him. On the contrary, he felt it to be his duty to arraign and to expose their gross mismanagement,and repeated and dangerous misconduct, to parliament and to the nation. To rally round them entered not into his mind; but he would rally round the parliament and the constitution. No man could look upon the state of our affairs under their mismanagement, without participating in the anxieties and fears and indignation which he felt on the subject.. While he saw the necessity for parliament's taking the subject into their most serious consideration, he must say, unless. parliament were fully impressed with a deep sense

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