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Washington's Farewell Address.
lar form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is public weal against invasions by the others has truly their worst enemy.
been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern: The alternate domination of one faction over some of them in our country and under our on another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natu- eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary a ral to party dissension, which in different ages to institute them. If, in the opinion of the peoand countries has perpetrated the most horrid ple, the distribution or modification of the constienormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But tutional powers be in any particular wrong. let it this leads at length to a more formal and perma- be corrected by an amendment in a way which nent despotism. The disorders and miseries which the Constitution designates. But let there be no result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek change by usurpation ; for though this, in one insecurity and repose in the absolute power of an stance, may be the instrument of good, it is the individual: and sooner or later, the chief of some customary weapon by which free governments prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly ihan his competitors, turns this disposition to the overbalance in permanent evil any partial or tranpurposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of sient benefit which the use can at any time yield. public liberty.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to Without looking forward to an extremity of this political prosperity, religion and morality are inkind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely dispensable supports. In vain would that man out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, interest and duty of a wise people to discourage these firmest props of the duties of men and citiand restrain it.
zens. The mere politician, equally with the pious It serves always to distract the public councils man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A and enfeeble the public administration. It agi- volume could not trace all their connexions with tates the community with ill-founded jealousies private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one where is the security for property, for reputation, part against another; foments, occasionally, riot for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign the oaths, which are the instruments of investigainfluence and corruption, which find a facilitated tion in courts of justice? And let us with căuaccess to the government itself, through the chan-tion indulge the supposition, that morality can be nels of party passions. Thus the policy and the maintained without religion. Whaterer may be will of one country are subjected to the policy and conceded to the influence of refined education og will of another.
minds of peculiar structure, reason and experiThere is an opinion that parties in free coun- ence both forbid us to expect that national moralitries are useful checks upon the administration of ty can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit It is substantially true, that virtue or morality of liberty. This, within certain limits, is proba- is a necessary spring of popular government. The bly true; and in governments of a monarchical rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to cast
, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not every species of free government. Who that is with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those a sincere friend to it can look with indifference of the popular character, in governments purely upon attempts to shake the foundation of the elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. "From fabric? their natural tendency, it is certain there will Promote, then, as an object of primary importalways be enough of that spirit for every salutary ance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowpurpose. And there being constant danger of ledge. In proportion as the structure of a gorexcess, the effort ought to be, by force of public ernment gives force to public opinion, it is essenopinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to tial that public opinion should be enlightened. be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to As a very important source of strength and se prevent its bursting into a Alame, lest, instead of curity, cherish public credit. One inethod of warming, it should consume.
preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible ; It is important likewise, that the habits of think- avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating ing in a free country, should inspire caution in peace; but remembering, also, that timely disthose entrusted with its administration, to confine bursements to prepare for danger, frequently prethemselves within their respective constitutional vent much greater disbursements to repel it; spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not one department to encroach upon another. The only by shunning occasions of expense, but by spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge powers of all the departments in one, and thus to the debts which unavoidable wars may have occreate, whatever the form of government, a real casioned, not ungenerously throwing upon poste despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, rity the burden which we ourselves ought to and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the your Representatives; but it is necessary that pahtruth of this position. The necessity of recipro- lic opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to cal checks in the exercise of political power, by them the performance of their duty, it is essendividing and distributing it into different deposi- tial that you should practically bear in mind, that tories, and constituting each the guardian of the towards the payment of debts there must be re
Washington's Farewell Address.
venue; that to have revenue, there must be tax- what ought to have been retained; and by excites; that no taxes can be devised which are not ing jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that in the parties from whom equal privileges are the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the withheld ; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or selection of the proper objects, (which is always deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a decisive mo- favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the tive for a candid construction of the Government interests of their own country, without odium, in making it, and for the spirit of acquiescence sometimes even with popularity ; gilding with the in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a public exigencies may at any time dictate. commendable deference for public opinion, or a
Observe good faith and justice towards all na- laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish tions; cultivate peace and harmony with all; re- compliances of ambition,corruption, or infatuation. ligion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? ways, such attachments are particularly alarming It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. no distant period, a great nation, to give man. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper kind the magnanimous and too novel example of with domestic factions, to practise the arts of sea people always guided by an exalted justice and duction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would smallor weak, towards a great and powerful nation, richly repay any temporary advantages which dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence it be, that Providence has not connected the per- (I conjure you to believe me, my fellow-citizens) manent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly experiment, at least, is recommended by every awake; since history and experience prove, that sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes is it rendered impossible by its vices?
of Republican Government. But that jealousy In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes essential than that permanent inveterate antipa- the instrument of the very infuence to be avoidthies against particular nations, and passionate at- ed, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partachments for others, should be excluded; and that, tiality for one foreign nation, and excessive disin place of them, just and amicable feelings towards like of another, cause those whom they actuate to all should be cultivated. The nation which in- see danger only on one side, and serve to veil dulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an and even second the arts of influence on the habitual fondness, is, in some degree, a slave. It other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the apduty' and its interest. Antipathy in one nation plause and confidence of the people to surrender against another, disposes each more readily to of their interests. fer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial where accidental or trifling occasions of dispute relations, to have with them as little political conoccur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, en-nexion as possible. So far as we have already venomed, and bloody contests. The nation, formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes perfect good faith. Here let us stop. impels to war the Government, contrary to the Europe has a set of primary interests, which to best calculations of policy. The Government us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence, sometimes participates in the national propensity, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, and adopts, through passion, what reason would the causes of which are essentially foreign to our reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise the nation subservient to projects of hostility, in- in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in stigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the orpernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes, dinary combinations of her friendships or enmities. perhaps, the liberty of nations, has been the victim. Our detached and distant situation invites and
So. likewise, a passionate attachment of one enables us to pursue a different course. If we renation for another produces a variety of evils. main one people, under an efficient government, Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the the period is not far off
, when we may defy mateillusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases rial injury from external annoyance; when we where no real common interest exists, and infusing may take such an attitude as will cause the neuinto one the enmities of the other, betrays the trality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be former into a participation in the quarrels and scrupulously respected; when belligerant nations, wars of the latter, without adequate inducement under the impossibility of making acquisitions or justification. It leads, also, to concessions to upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situWashington's Farewell Address.
ation? Why quit our own to stand upon for the world. To myself, the assurance of my own eign ground? Why, by interweaving our desti- conscience is, that I have at least believed myself ny with that of any part of Europe. entangle our to be guided hy them. peace and prosperity in the toils of European am- In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, bition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving alliances with any portion of the foreign world; voice and by that of your Representatives in both so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure for let me not be understood as capable of pa- bas continually governed me; uninfluenced by tropizing infidelity to existing engagements. I any attempts to deter or divert me from it. hold the maxim no less applicable lo public than Alter deliberate examination, with the aid of to private affairs, that honesty is always the best the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisi policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those 'engage that our country, under all the circumstances of menis be observed in their genuine sense. But, the case, had a right to take, and was bound in in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be duty and interest to take a neutral position. unwise to extend them. Taking care to keep our. Having taken it, I deterrnined, as far as should selves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, defensive posture, we may safely trust to tempo perseverance, and firmness, rary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
The considerations which respect the right to Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this oecanations, are recommended by policy, humanity, sion to detail. I will only observe that, according and interest. But even our commercial policy to my understanding of the matter, that right, so should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither far from being denied by any of the belligerant seeking nor granting exclusive favors or prefer- Powers, has been virtually admitted by all. ences; consulting the natural course of things; The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be diffusing and diversifying, by gentle means, ihe inferred, without anything more, from the obligastreams of commerce, but forcing nothing; es- tion which justice and humanity impose on every tablishing, with Powers so disposed, in order to nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maingive trade a stable course, to define the rights of tain inviolate the relations of peace and anity our merchants, and to enable the Government to towards other nations. support them, conventional rules of intercourse, The inducements of interest for observing that the best that present circumstances and mutual conduct will best be referred to your own reflecopinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to tions and experience. With me, a predomitant be from time to time abandoned or varied as ex- motive has been to endeavor to gain time to cor perience and circumstances shall dictate; con- country to settle and mature its recent institustanily keeping in view, that it is folly in one na- tions, and to progress, without interruption, to tion to look for disinterested favors from another; that degree of strength and consistency, which is that it must pay with a portion of its independo necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the comence for whatever it may accept under thai cha- mand of its own fortunes. racter; that, by such acceptance, it may place Though, in reviewing the incidents of my aditself in the condition of having given equivalents ministration, I am unconscious of intentional erfor nominal favors, and yet of being reproached ror, I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my de with ingratitude for not giving more. There can fects not to think it probable that I may bare be no greater error than to expect, or calculate committed many errors. Whatever they may be, upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an I fervently beseech the Almighty to avertor mitiillusion which experience must cure, which a gate the evils to which they may tend. I shall just pride ought to discard.
also carry with me the hope that my country In offering to you, my countrymen, these coun- will never cease to view them with indulgedee; sels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated hope they will make the strong and lasting im- to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of pression I could wish ; that they will control the incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation as myself must soon be to the mansion of rest. from running the course which has hitherto Relying on its kindness in this as in other marked the destiny of nations; but if I may things, and actuated by that fervent love towards even flatter myself, that they may be productive it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it of some partial benefit, some occasional good; the native soil of himself and his progenitors for that they may now and then recur to moderate several generations; I anticipate, with pleasing the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mis- expectation, that retreat, in which I promise more chiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the self to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens will be a full recompense for the solicitude for the benign influence of good laws under a free your welfare, by which they bave been dictated. Government-the ever favorite object of my heart,
How far in the discharge of my official duties, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual I have been guided by the principles which have cares, labors, and dangers. been delineated, the public records and other evi
G. WASHINGTON. dences of my conduct must witness to you and to UNITED STATES, Sept. 17, 1796.
PUBLIC ACTS OF CONGRESS;
PASSED AT THE FIRST SESSION OF THE FOURTH CONGRESS, BEGUN AND HELD AT
PHILADELPHIA, ON THE SEVENTH OF DECEMBER, 1795.
AN ACT making appropriations for the support of For expense of stationery, printing, and all
Government, for the year one thousand seven hun other contingent expenses in the Comptroller's ofdred and ninety-six.
fice, eight hundred dollars. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Re- For compensation to the Treasurer, clerks, and presentatives of the United Stales of America, in persons employed in his office, four thousand, four Congress assembled, That, for defraying the ex- hundred dollars. penditure of the civil list of the United States, For expense of firewood, stationery, printing, for the year one thousand seven hundred and rent, and other contingencies in the Treasurer's pinety-six, together with the incidental and con- office, six hundred dollars. tingent expenses of the several departments and For compensation 10 the Auditor of the Treaoffices thereof, there be appropriated a sum of sury, clerks, and persons employed in his office, money, pot exceeding five hundred and thirty eleven thousand, iwo hundred and fifty dollars. thousand three hundred and ninety-two dollars, For expense of stationery, printing, and other and eighty-five cents; that is to say:
contingent expenses in the Auditor's office, six For the compensations granted by law to the hundred dollars. President and Vice President of the United States, For compensation to the Commissioner of the thirty thousand dollars.
Revenue, clerks, and persons employed in his ofFor the like compensations to the members of fice, five ihousand, two hundred and fifty dollars. the Senate and House of Representatives, their For expense of stationery, printing, and all officers and attendants, estimated for a session of other contingent expenses in the office of the six months continuance, one hundred and ninety- Commissioner, four hundred dollars. three thousand, four hundred and sixty dollars. For the expenses of firewood, stationery, print- sury, clerks, and persons employed in his office,
For compensation to the Register of the Treaing-work, and all other contingent expenses of the fourteen thousand, seven hundred dollars. two Houses of Congress, eleven thousand five hundred dollars.
For expense of stationery, printing, and all For the compensations granted by law to the including books for the public stocks,) two thou
other contingent expenses in the Register's office, Chief Justice, Associate Judges, District Judges, sand, eight hundred dollars. and Attorney General, forty-three thousand six hundred dollars.
For compensation to the Purveyor of Public For defraying the expense of clerks of courts, Supplies, including his salary from the time of his jurors, and witnesses, in aid of the fund arising appointment to the thirty-first day of December, from fines, forfeitures, and penalties; and likewise one thousand, seven hundred and ninety-five, for defraying the expenses of prosecutions for of-three thousand, six hundred and ninety-four dolfences against the United States, and for safe keep- lars, and forty-four cents. ing of prisoners, twenty thousand dollars.
For the payment of rent for the several houses For making good deficiencies in the last men-employed in the Treasury Department, (except tioned fund, in the appropriation of the year one the Treasurer's office,) one thousand, pine hunthousand seven hundred and ninety-five, ten thou- dred and eighty-six dollars, and sixty-eight cents. sand dollars.
For expense of firewood and candles in the sevFor compensation to the Secretary of State, eral offices of the Treasury Department, (except clerks, and persons employed in that department, the Treasurer's office,) three thousand dollars. seven thousand, eight hundred and fifty dollars. For defraying the expense incident to the stat
For incidental and contingent expenses in the ing and printing the public accounts, for the year said department, twenty-three thousand, three hun-one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, one dred and eighty dollars.
For expenses of stationery, printing, and all five, beyond the sum which was appropriated, two
For compensation to the Comptroller of the thirteen thousand two hundred and fifty dollars. Treasury, clerks, and persons employed in his For payment of clerks allowed to several of the office, ten thousand, nine hundred dollars.
loan offices, for the year one thousand seven hun
Acts of Congress.
dred and ninety-five, by an act of the last session of ment, not otherwise provided for, as shall have been Congress, ten thousand one hundred dollars. ascertained and admitted in due course of settle
For compensation to the Secretary of War, ment at the Treasury, and which are of a patare, clerks, and persons employed in his office, seven according to the usage thereof, to require paythousand and fisty dollars.
ment in specie, three thousand dollars. For expense of firewood, stationery, printing; Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That for the rent, and other contingent expenses of the office support of light houses, beacons, buoys, and pubof the Secretary of War, (including the rent of lic piers, for the year one thousand seven hundred the General Post Office which is kept under the and ninety-six; and to satisfy certain miscellane same roof,) one thousand eight hundred dollars. ous claims, stated in the report of the Secretary
For compensation to the Accountant to the of the Treasury, of the fourteenth of December War Depariment, clerks and persons employed in last, there be appropriated a sum not exceeding his office, six thousand four hundred and fifty thirty-seven thousand six hundred and seventydollars.
two dollars, and nine cents; that is to say: For contingent expenses in the office of the
For the maintenance and support of light Accountant to the War Department, six hundred houses, beacons, buoys, public piers, and stakeage dollars.
of channels, bars, and shoals, twenty-four thouFor compensations to the following officers of
sand dollars. the Mint: The Director, two thousand dollars; the Treasurer, one thousand two hundred dollars;
To repay David Lenox, late Marshal of the the Assayer, one thousand five hundred dollars; district of Pennsylvania, for payments made with the Chief Coiner, one thousand five hundred dol- the approbation of the Judge of the said district, lars; the Melter and Refiner, one thousand five to sundry persons, for summoning jurors to at hundred dollars; the Engraver, one thousand two tend the district court of Pennsylvania, upon the hundred dollars; three clerks, at five hundred trial of sundry persons committed for high treadollars each, one thousand five hundred dollars. son, two hundred and fifty-six dollars, and eighiy
For the purchase of copper for the use of the eight cents. Mint, thirteen thousand dollars.
For the payment of a balance due to Lewis For defraying the expenses of laborers in the Pintard, agent for American prisoners to the city different branches of refining, melting, and coin- of New York, during the late war, four hundred ing at the Mint, eight thousand dollars.
and twenty-nine dollars, and twenty-one cents For the pay of mechanics employed in repair- For the payment of a balance due to the repreing and making machinery for the Mint, three sentatives of 'Thomas Smith, late Commissioner thousand two hundred and sixty-four dollars. of the loan office for the State of Pennsylvania,
For the purchase of ironmongery, lead, wood, nine thousand and eleven dollars, and pineiy-ser. coals, stationery, office furniture, and for other
en cents. contingencies of the establishment of the Mint, eight thousand seven hundred dollars.
For the payment of a balance due to the repreFor making good deficiencies in the former ap- of the loan office for the State of Rhode Island,
sentatives of Joseph Clarke, late Commissioner propriations for the Mint, to the end of the year one thousand nine hundred and seventy-four dot one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, lars, and three cents. eighteen thousand three bundred dollars. For compensations to the Governors, Secreta
For the discharge of such miscellaneous deries, and Judges of the Territory northwest, and mands against the United States. Other than those the Territory south of the river Ohio, ten thou- on account of the Civil Department, not othersand three hundred dollars.
wise provided for, and which shall have been asFor expenses of stationery, office-rent, printing, certained and admitted in due course of settlepatents for lands, and other contingent expenses ment at the Treasury, and which are of a nature, in both the said 'Territories, seven hundred dol-according to the usage thereof, to require pay. lars.
ment in specie, two thousand dollars. For the payment of sundry pensions, granted Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the by the late Government, two thousand and seven several appropriations herein before made, shall dollars, and seventy-three cents.
be paid and discharged out of the fund of su For the annual allowance to the widow and or- hundred thousand dollars, reserved by the act phan children of Colonel John Harding, and to making provision for the debt of the United the orphan children of Major Alexander True- States." man, by the act of Congress of the twenty seventh
JONATHAN DAYTON, of February, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three, seven hundred and fifty dollars.
Speaker of the House of Representaties. For the annual allowance for the education of
JOHN ADAMS, Hugh Mercer, son of the late Major General Vice President of the United States. Mercer, by an act of Congress of the second of
and President of the Senate. March, one thousand seven hundred and ninetythree, four hundred dollars.
Approved, February 5, 1796. For the discharge of such demands against the
G. WASHINGTON, United States, on account of the Civil Depart
President of the United States.