meet with more favor. Each subject is thus made to stand on its own merits.

The PRESIDENT:-The question will be taken upon each section of the substitute proposed.

Mr. JAMES:-I propose the following as a substitute for the first section of the amendment offered by Mr. HITCHCOCK. It is, I believe, the same as that proposed in Congress by the Committee of Thirteen. I understand, also, that the Committee of the House of Representatives are about to substitute it for what is known as the ADAMS Proposition. We all have the same purpose in view, to negative in express terms the right of Congress to interfere with the institution of slavery within the States. I present the amendment because I think it expresses the purpose in better language.

SECTION 1. No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State.

Mr. CHASE: This amendment would be limited in its application to the States. Congress would still have power in this respect over Territories.

Mr. GUTHRIE:-The report of the committee has been agreed upon after much discussion, and printed. We all understand it, and I hope we shall adhere to it without any alteration. If we begin to adopt these amendments no one can tell where they will carry us.

Mr. JAMES:-My proposition is offered as an amendment to that offered by Mr. HITCHCOCK.

Mr. GUTHRIE:-So I understand; but his amendment is proposed as a substitute for the third section of the article reported by the committee. I object to the whole of it.

Mr. RANDOLPH:-Do I understand that the question now is upon substituting Mr. HrтCHсоCK's amendment for the committee's report.

Mr. JAMES:-No. It is upon substituting my proposition for the first section of Mr. HгтснсосK's amendment.

The vote upon the amendment offered by Mr. JAMES resulted as follows:

AYES.-Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, and Indiana-7.

NOES.-Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio, Illinois, nd Kansas-13.

And the amendment was lost.

Mr. WOOD:-I must enter my dissent from the vote of Illi1ois.

Mr. FOWLER:-I have an amendment which I offer to the ubstitute proposed by Mr. HITCHCOCK—

Mr. RANDOLPH:-I object to it as out of order. Let us ake the vote upon the various sections of Mr. HITCHCOCK's propоition. If they are rejected, then these amendments may all be noved to the committee's report.

The PRESIDENT:-I have already decided that the substicute is open to amendment.

Mr. RANDOLPH :-Then I will appeal from the decision of the Chair.

The PRESIDENT:-I will state the ground of my decision. It is true, as claimed by the gentleman from New Jersey, that if he propositions of Mr. HгтснсоCK are rejected these amendments may be moved to the sections reported by the committee. If, on the contrary, they are adopted, or either of them, so far as they are adopted they must stand as the order of the Conference, and are no longer subject to amendment. I understand the Pariamentary rule in such a case to be well settled.

A somewhat confused debate here arose, when Mr. RANDOLPH withdrew his appeal from the decision of the chair.

Mr. BALDWIN :-I move to amend the proposition of the gentleman from Ohio, by striking out the words "nor shall Congress have the power to authorize any higher rate of taxation on persons held to service or labor, than on land." I do not think these words are appropriate in a provision of the Constitution.

Mr. HITCHCOCK:-I supposed the Conference would understand my purpose. It was to substitute my three sections for the third section of the committee's report. I did not suppose this series of amendments would be offered. For the present, I will withdraw my amendments.

Mr. HARRIS:-The gentleman forgets that if we once adopt them, they are no longer subject to amendment.

Is there upon the face of the civilized earth a nation with such a limitation upon the power of acquiring territory as this original article proposes? Its adoption would place us at the feet of foreign nations.

In war, conquest is one means of indemnity-often the best" and only one. We must look to the acquisition of future territory; we must make our settlement with that in view.

Reference has been made here to the seceded States, and some hard words have been used toward them. This is not the place for such words. What is the condition of these States now! They say they are out of the Union. We say, No! The question between us may be decided by the Courts; it may be decided by the sword. But we all want them back; we would place no restrictions upon their return. They will only come back by treaty. Unless you adopt this amendment, the section proposed will be applicable to their case, and a mere fraction could keep them out of the Union forever.

In regard to the subject of slavery, what we want is security for the future. That we can arrange. In my opinion you will never get back the seceded States, without you give them some hope of the acquisition of future territory. They know that when slavery is gathered into a cul-de-sac, and surrounded by a wall of free States, it is destroyed. Slavery must have expansion. It must expand by the acquisition of territory which now we do The seceded States will never yield this point-will never come back to a Government which gives no chance for the expansion of their principal institution. They will insist upon equity, upon the same rights with you in the common territory, and the same prospect, of acquiring foreign territory that you have. If you are not prepared to grant all this, do not waste your time in thought about the return of the seceded States.

not own.

Mr. RANDOLPH-New Jersey voted to make the first section of the article reported applicable to future territory, not because she wishes to acquire new territory, but because she knows that it will be acquired; and she believes all questions raised here can be settled now, in regard to it, better than they can be hereafter. These questions have raised a ferment in the nation; we would settle them any way. We should have voted for these restrictions upon the power of acquiring territory; and

we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that in a few years v territory must be acquired. Look at Sonora, at all Mexico; y furnish the reason for our action. An effort will be made, haps, to secure the new territory by treaty. Better get it in tway than by conquest.

Personally, I would oppose any farther acquisitions. We need more territory, and yet I know that more will be acquired. e North wishes it more than the South. In the end, the rth will insist that we should have Cuba. What is the sentiat of our commercial cities now?

I think we ought to surround this power of acquisition by e judicious restrictions; not make them too strong, or the ntry will break over, and not regard them. What restriction uld not have been broken down, when the question came up elation to Texas? We must anticipate occasions of the same d. I am inclined to vote for the substitute of the gentleman n Virginia. At all events let us adopt some limitations. If these, then such as are contained in the original article. Mr. JOHNSON, of Maryland :-I propose to amend the subute offered by the gentleman from Virginia, by inserting after words "United States," the words "except by discovery, and naval and commercial depots and transit routes."

There is now a law, the constitutionality of which has not a doubted, providing for the acquisition of territory by disery. But the Court, in the Dred Scott case, decided that terry could not be acquired, except as preliminary to the formaof a State. This difficulty should be obviated. I think the ndment I propose will do it. If we adopt the proposition of SUMMERS, we cut off the power of acquiring territory for sit routes, &c., except by treaty. I think my amendment make the section more satisfactory to the South.

Mr. SUMMERS:-I will accept the amendment, and treat it part of my substitute.

Mr. BROCKENBROUGH:-I feel a deep solicitude in this ect. We are here for the purpose of settling a great difficulInstead of settling it, we shall add to it by placing these unessary obstructions in the way of acquiring territory in future. uld not the South be safer by the adoption of this guarantee? the only one, aside from the first section, which gives the

South a grain of power. We cannot go on with things as they are-only seven States to contend with all the rest of the nation. We must all desire that the seceded States should return to the Union. How are they to come back? By treaty, or by the sword? Who will not prefer to win them back by adopting principles in our amendments which will make it for their interest to return? If the amendment is adopted, no future territory will be acquired without the consent of a majority of Senators on both sides of the line. Reject this, and I have not the slightest hope of ever seeing the seceded States again in the Union. I believe this amendment will meet the wishes of a large majority of the people of Virginia.

The vote upon the adoption of the substitute proposed by Mr. SUMMERS resulted as follows:

AYES.-Rhode Island, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri-9.

NOES.-Maine, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Kansas-10.

And the amendment was lost.

Mr. GUTHRIE:-I will now renew my proposition, and ask a vote upon it by States.

The vote upon the substitute offered by Mr. GUTHRIE, for the section of the article reported by the committee, resulted as follows:

AYES.-New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Ohio-10. NOES.-Maine, Vermont, Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, North Carolina, Missouri, Illinois, Indiana, and Iowa-10.

And the amendment was lost.

Mr. PRICE dissented from the vote of New Jersey, and Mr. BARRINGER from the vote of North Carolina.

Mr. WICKLIFFE:-As the hour named for the call upon the President-elect is approaching, I move that a committee of three members be appointed by the President to make arrangements for the introduction of the members of the Conference.

The motion of Mr. WICKLIFFE was agreed to, and the Presi dent appointed Messrs. WICKLIFFE, FIELD, and CHASE, as the

committee.