This district, however, unfortunately, has been left to linger behind the rest of the Union; its codes, civil and criminal, are not only very defective, but full of obsolete or inconvenient provisions; being formed of portions of two states, discrepancies in the laws prevail in different parts of the territory, small as it is; and although it was selected as the seat of the general government, the site of its public edifices, the depositary of its archives, and the residence of officers intrusted with large amounts of public property, and the management of public business, yet it has never been subjected to, or received, that special and comprehensive legislation which these circumstances peculiarly demand.

I am well aware of the various subjects of greater magnitude and im mediate interest, that press themselves on the consideration of Congress; but I believe there is not one that appeals more directly to its justice, than a liberal and even generous attention to the interests of the District of Columbia, and a thorough and careful revision of its local gov

ernment.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 21, 1837.

To the House of Representatives of the United States :—

In compliance with a resolution of the house of representatives of the last session, I transmit a report made to me by the architect of the public buildings, with the accompanying documents, exhibiting a plan of the treasury building now in process of erection, showing its location in reference to the adjacent streets and public squares on which it is located, its elevation, the number and size of the rooms it will afford suitable for office business, and the number and size of those suitable only for the deposite of records, with a statement of the sum expended on said building, and an estimate of the sum that will be required to complete the same. As the 5th section of the act of July 4th, 1836, under the authority of which this building has been commenced, provides only for the erection of an edifice of such dimensions as may be required for the present and future accommodation of the treasury department, the size of the structure has been adapted to that purpose; and it is not contemplated to appropriate any part of the building to the use of any other department. As it is understood, however, that the plan of the edifice admits of its being completed either with or without wings, and that, if Congress should think proper, accommodation may be provided by means of wings, consistent with the harmony of the original design, for the department of state and the general postoffice, it is not thought that the public interest requires any change in the location or plan, although it is believed that the convenience of the public business would be promoted by including in the building proposed accommodations for the two other departments just mentioned. The report of the architect shows the supposed difference of the expense that would be incurred in the event of the construction of the building with wings, in taking down the edifice now occupied by the department of state, or repairing it so as to render it fireproof, and make its outside conform to the other parts of the new building. I also transmit statements

from the heads of the several departments of the number and size of the rooms that are necessary for their respective departments for office business, and for the deposite of records.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JANUARY 5, 1838.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :RECENT experience on the southern boundary of the United States, and the events now daily occurring on our northern frontier, have abundantly shown that the existing laws are insufficient to guard against hostile invasion from the United States of the territory of friendly and neighboring

nations.

The laws in force provide sufficient penalties for the punishment of such offences after they have been committed, and provided the parties can be found, but the executive is powerless in many cases to prevent the commission of them, even when in possession of ample evidence of an intention on the part of evil-disposed persons to violate our laws.

Your attention is called to this defect in our legislation. It is apparent that the executive ought to be clothed with adequate power effectually to restrain all persons within our jurisdiction from the commission of acts of this character. They tend to disturb the peace of the country, and inevitably involve the government in perplexing controversies with foreign powers. I recommend a careful revision of all the laws now in force, and such additional enactments as may be necessary to vest in the executive full power to prevent injuries being inflicted upon neighboring nations, by the unauthorized and unlawful acts of citizens of the United States, or of other persons who may be within our jurisdiction and subject to our control.

An illustration of these views, and to show the necessity of early action on the part of Congress, I submit herewith a copy of a letter received from the marshal of the northern district of New York, who had been directed to repair to the frontier, and take all authorized measures to secure the faithful execution of existing laws.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JANUARY 8, 1838.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :— In the highly-excited state of feeling on the northern frontiers, occasioned by the disturbances in Canada, it was to be apprehended that causes of complaint might arise on the line dividing the United States from her Britannic majesty's dominions. Every precaution was, therefore, taken on our part, authorized by the existing laws; and, as the troops of the provinces were embodied on the Canadian side, it was hoped that no serious violation of the rights of the United States would be permitted to occur. I regret, however, to inform you that an outrage of a

most aggravated character has been committed, accompanied by a hostile though temporary invasion of our territory, producing the strongest feelings of resentment on the part of our citizens in the neighborhood, and on the whole border line, and that the excitement previously existing has been alarmingly increased. To guard against the possible recurrence of any similar act, I have thought it indispensable to call out a portion of the militia, to be posted on that frontier. The documents herewith presented to Congress show the character of the outrage committed, the measures taken in consequence of its occurrence, and the necessity for resorting to them.

It will also be seen that the subject was immediately brought to the notice of the British minister accredited to this country, and the proper steps taken, on our part, to obtain the fullest information of all the circumstances leading to and attendant upon the transaction, preparatory to a demand for reparation. I ask such appropriations as the circumstances in which our country is thus unexpectedly placed require.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MAY 10, 1838.

To the Senate and House of Representatives :

I SUBMIT to the consideration of Congress a statement prepared by the secretary of the treasury, by which it appears that the United States, with over twenty-eight millions in deposite with the states, and over fifteen millions due from individuals and banks, are, from the situation in which those funds are placed, in immediate danger of being rendered unable to discharge, with good faith and promptitude, the various pecuniary obligations of the government.

The occurrence of this result has for some time been apprehended, and efforts made to avert it. As the principal difficulty arises from a prohibition in the present law to reissue such treasury-notes as might be paid in before they fall due, and may be effectually obviated by giving the treasury during the whole year the benefit of the full amount originally authorized, the remedy would seem to be obvious and easy.

The serious embarrassments likely to arise from a longer continuance of the present state of things, induces me respectfully to invite the earliest action of Congress to the subject which may be consistent with a due regard to other public interests.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JUNE 20, 1838.

To the House of Representatives of the United States :

I TRANSMIT, in compliance with a resolution of the house of representatives of the 11th instant, reports from the secretary of state, treasury, and war, with the documents referred to by them respectively. It will be seen that the outrage committed on the steamboat Sir Robert Peel, under

the British flag, within the waters of the United States, and on the steamboat Telegraph, under the American flag, at Brockville, in Upper Canada, have not been followed by any demand by either government concerned in them. Investigations have been made; some of the individuals inculpated have been arrested, and prosecutions are in progress, the result of which can not be doubted. The excited state of public feeling on the borders of Canada, on both sides of the line, has occasioned the most painful anxiety to this government. Every effort has been, and will be made, to prevent the success of the design, apparently formed and in the course of execution, by Canadians who have found a refuge within the territory, aided by a few reckless persons of our own country, to involve the nation in a war with a neighboring and friendly power. Such design can not succeed while the two governments appreciate and confidently rely upon the good faith of each other in the performance of their respective duties. With a fixed determination to use all the means in my power to put a speedy and satisfactory termination to these border troubles, I have the most confident assurances of the cordial co-operation of the British authorities, at home and in the North American possessions, in the accomplishment of a purpose so sincerely and earnestly desired by the governments and people both of the United States and Great Britain.

SECOND ANNUAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 4, 1838.

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives :

I CONGRATULATE you on the favorable circumstances in the condition of our country, under which you reassemble for the performance of your official duties. Though the anticipations of an abundant harvest have not everywhere been realized, yet, on the whole, the labors of the husbandman are rewarded with a bountiful return; industry prospers in its various channels of business and enterprise; general health again prevails through our vast diversity of climate; nothing threatens from abroad the continuance of external peace; nor has anything at home impaired the strength of those fraternal and domestic ties which constitute the only guarantee to the success and permanency of our happy Union, and which, formed in the hour of peril, have hitherto been honorably sustained through every vicissitude in our national affairs. These blessings, which evince the care and beneficence of Providence, call for our devout and fervent gratitude.

We have not less reason to be grateful for other bounties bestowed by the same munificent hand, and more exclusively our own.

The present year closes the first half century of our federal institutions; and our system, differing from all others in the acknowledged practical and unlimited operation which it has for so long a period given to the sovereignty of the people, has now been fully tested by experience.

The constitution devised by our forefathers as the framework and bond of that system, then untried, has become a settled form of government; not only preserving and protecting the great principles upon which it was founded, but wonderfully promoting individual happiness and private interests. Though subject to change and entire revocation, whenever

deemed inadequate to all these purposes, yet such is the wisdom of its construction, and so stable has been the public sentiment, that it remains unaltered, except in matters of detail, comparatively unimportant. It has proved amply sufficient for the various emergencies incident to our condition as a nation. A formidable foreign war; agitating collisions between domestic. and in some respects rival sovereignties; temptations to interfere in the intestine commotions of neighboring countries; the dangerous influences that arise in periods of excessive prosperity; and the antirepublican tendencies of associated wealth-these, with other trials not less formidable, have all been encountered, and thus far successfully resisted.

It was reserved for the American Union to test the advantages of a government entirely dependent on the continual exercise of the popular will; and our experience has shown that it is as beneficent in practice as it is just in theory. Each successive change made in our local institutions has contributed to extend the right of suffrage, has increased the direct influence of the mass of the community, given greater freedom to individual exertion, and restricted more and more the powers of government; yet the intelligence, prudence and patriotism of the people, have kept pace with the augmented responsibility. In no couutry has education been so widely diffused. Domestic peace has nowhere so largely reigned. The close bonds of social intercourse have, in no instance, prevailed with such harmony over a space so vast. All forms of religion have united, for the first time, to diffuse charity and piety, because, for the first time in the history of nations, all have been totally untrammelled, and absolutely free. The deepest recesses of the wilderness have been penetrated; yet, instead of the rudeness in the social condition consequent upon such adventures elsewhere, numerous communities have sprung up, already unrivalled in prosperity, general intelligence, internal tranquillity, and the wisdom of their political institutions. Internal improvements, the fruit of individual enterprise, fostered by the protection of the states, have added new links to the confederation, and fresh rewards to provident industry. Doubtful questions of domestic policy have been quietly settled by mutual forbearance; and agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, minister to each other. Taxation and public debt, the burdens which bear so heavily upon all other countries, have pressed with comparative lightness upon us. Without one entangling alliance, our friendship is prized by every nation; and the rights of our citizens are everywhere respected, because they are known to be guarded by a united, sensitive, and watchful people.

To this practical operation of our institutions, so evident and successful, we owe that increased attachment to them which is among the most cheering exhibitions of popular sentiment, and will prove their best security, in time to come, against foreign or domestic assault.

This review of the results of our institutions, for half a century, without exciting a spirit of vain exultation, should serve to impress upon us the great principles from which they have sprung: constant and direct supervision by the people over every public measure; strict forbearance on the part of the government from exercising any doubtful or disputed powers; and a constant abstinence from all interference with concerns which properly belong, and are best left to state regulations and individual enterprise.

Full information of the state of our foreign affairs having been recently, on different occasions, submitted to Congress, I deem it necessary now to