blessings of our free institutions, and to aid by their labor to swell the current of our wealth and power.

It is due to every consideration of public policy that the lakes and rivers of the west should receive all such attention at the hands of Congress as the constitution will enable it to bestow. Works in favorable and proper situations on the lakes would be found to be as indispensably necessary, in case of war, to carry on safe and successful naval operations, as fortifications on the Atlantic seaboard. The appropriation made by the last Congress for the improvement of the navigation of the Mississippi river, has been diligently and efficiently applied.

I can not close this communication, gentlemen, without recommending to your most favorable consideration the interests of this district. Appointed by the constitution its exclusive legislators, and forming, in this particular the only anomaly in our system of government-that of the legislative body being elected by others than those for whose advantage. they are to legislate-you will feel a superadded obligation to look well into their condition, and to leave no cause for complaint or regret. The seat of government of our associated republics can not but be regarded as worthy of your parental care.

In connexion with its other interests, as well as those of the whole country, I recommend that, at your present session, you adopt such measures, in order to carry into effect the Smithsonian bequest, as in your judgment will be best calculated to consummate the liberal intent of the

testator.

When, under a dispensation of Divine Providence, I succeeded to the presidential office, the state of public affairs was embarrassing and critical. To add to the irritation consequent upon a long-standing controversy with one of the most powerful nations of modern times, involving not only questions of boundary (which, under the most favorable circumstances, are always embarrassing), but, at the same time, important and high principles of maritime law, border controversies between the citizens and subjects of the two countries had engendered a state of feeling and of conduct, which threatened the most calamitous consequences. The hazards incident to this state of things were greatly heightened by the arrest and imprisonment of a subject of Great Britain, who, acting (as it was alleged) as a part of a military force, had aided in the commission of an act violative of the territorial jurisdiction of the United States, and involving the murder of a citizen of the state of New York. A large amount of claims against the government of Mexico remained unadjusted, and a war of several years' continuance with the savage tribes of Florida still prevailed, attended with the desolation of a large portion of that beautiful territory, and with the sacrifice of many valuable lives. To increase the embarrassments of the government, individual and state credit had been nearly stricken down, and confidence in the general government was so much impaired, that loans of a small amount could only be negotiated at a considerable sacrifice. As a necessary consequence of the blight which had fallen on commerce and mechanical industry, the ships of the one were thrown out of employment, and the operations of the other had been greatly diminished. Owing to the condition of the currency, exchanges between different parts of the country had become ruinously high, and trade had to depend on a depreciated paper currency in conducting its transactions. I shall be permitted to congratulate the country that, under an overruling Providence, peace was preserved without a sacrifice of the

national honor; the war in Florida was brought to a speedy termination; a large portion of the claims on Mexico have been fully adjudicated, and are in a course of payment, while justice has been rendered to us in other matters by other nations; confidence between man and man is in a great measure restored, and the credit of this government fully and perfectly re-established. Commerce is becoming more and more extended in its operations, and manufacturing and mechanical industry once more reaps the rewards of skill and labor honestly applied. The operations of trade rest on a sound currency, and the rates of exchange are reduced to their lowest amount. In this condition of things, I have felt it to be my duty to bring to your favorable consideration matters of great interest, in their present and ultimate results; and the only desire which I feel in connexion with the future is, and will continue to be, to leave the country prosperous, and its institutions unimpaired.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 16, 1843.

To the House of Representatives of the United States :—

THE two houses of Congress, at their last session, passed a joint reso lution, which originated in the house of representatives, presenting the thanks of Congress to Samuel T. Washington, for the service-sword of George Washington, and the staff of Benjamin Franklin, presented by him to Congress. This resolution (in consequence, doubtless, of a merely accidental omission) did not reach me until after the adjournment of Congress, and therefore did not receive my approval and signature, which it would otherwise promptly have received. I nevertheless felt myself at liberty, and deemed it entirely proper, to communicate a copy of the resolution to Mr. Washington, as is manifested by the accompanying copy of the letter which I addressed to him. The joint resolution, together with a copy of the letter, is deposited in the department of state, and can be withdrawn and communicated to the house, if it see cause to require them.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 18, 1843.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

I RECEIVED, within a few hours of the adjournment of the last Congress, a resolution, "directing payment of the certificates or awards is sued by the commissioners, under the treaty with the Cherokee Indians." Its provisions involved principles of great importance, in reference to which, it required more time to obtain the necessary information than was allowed.

The balance of the fund provided by Congress for satisfying claims under the seventeenth article of the Cherokee treaty, referred to in the resolution, is wholly insufficient to meet the claims still pending. To direct the payment, therefore, of the whole amount of those claims which

happened to be first adjudicated, would prevent a ratable distribution of the fund among those equally entitled to its benefits. Such a violation of the individual rights of the claimants, would impose upon the government the obligation of making further appropriations to indemnify them; and thus Congress would be obliged to enlarge a provision liberal and equitable, which it had made for the satisfaction of all the demands of the Cherokees. I was unwilling to sanction a measure which would thus indirectly overturn the adjustment of our differences with the Cherokees, accomplished with so much difficulty, and to which time is reconciling those Indians.

Be

If no such indemnity should be provided, then a palpable and very gross wrong would be inflicted upon the claimants who had not been so fortunate as to have their claims taken up in preference to others. sides, the fund, having been appropriated by law to a specific purpose, in fulfilment of the treaty, it belongs to the Cherokees, and the authority of this government to direct its application to particular claims, is more than questionable.

The direction in the joint resolution, therefore, to pay the awards of the commissioners, to the amount of one hundred thousand dollars, seems to me quite objectionable and could not be approved.

The further direction, that the certificates required to be issued by the treaty, and in conformity with the practice of the board heretofore, shall be proper and sufficient vouchers, upon which payments shall be made at the treasury, is a departure from the system established soon after the adoption of the constitution, and maintained ever since. That system requires that payments, under the authority of any department, shall be made upon its requisition, countersigned by the proper auditor and comptroller. The greatest irregularity would ensue from the mode of payment prescribed by the resolution.

I have deemed it respectful and proper to lay before the house of representatives these reasons for having withheld my approval of the abovementioned joint resolution.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JANUARY 16, 1844.

To the House of Representatives of the United States :

In answer to the resolution of the house of representatives, of the 10th instant, requesting the president to communicate to that body" copies of all correspondence with any foreign government, relative to the title, boundary, discovery, and settlement, of the territory of Oregon," I have to state, that the information called for by the house has been already, from time to time, transmitted to Congress, with the exception of such correspondence as has been held within the last few months, between the department of state and our minister at London; that there is a prospect of opening a negotiation on the subject of the northwestern boundary of the United States, immediately after the arrival at Washington of the newly-appointed British minister, now daily expected; and that, under existing circumstances, it is deemed expedient, with a view to the public interest, to furnish a copy of the correspondence abovementioned.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 23, 1844.

To the House of Representatives of the United States :—

I TRANSMIT, herewith, a communication from the secretary of the navy, to which I invite the particular attention of Congress. The act, entitled, "An act to authorize the president of the United States to direct transfers of appropriation in the naval service, under certain circumstances," has this day met with my approval, under no expectation that it can be rendered available to the present wants of the service, but as containing an exposition of the views of Congress, as to the entire policy of transfers from one head of appropriation to any other in the naval service, and as a guide to the executive, in the administration of the duties of the department. The restrictions laid upon the power to transfer, by the latter clauses of the act, have rendered its passage of no avail at the present

moment.

It will, however, be perceived, by the document accompanying the report of the secretary, that there has been realized by recent sales of old iron, copper, and other materials, the sum of one hundred and sixteen thousand, nine hundred and twenty-two dollars, and seventy-nine cents. These sales were ordered for the express purpose of enabling the execu tive to complete certain ships now on the stocks, the completion of which is called for by the economical wants of the service; and the doubt exist. ing as to the power of the government to apply this sum to the objects contemplated, proceeds from the fact, that the late secretary of the navy directed them to be placed in the treasury, although, in so doing, he had no intention of diverting them from their intended head of expenditure. The secretary of the treasury, however, has brought himself to the opinion, that they could only be entered under the head of miscellaneous receipts, and therefore can only be withdrawn by authority of an express act of Congress. I would suggest the propriety of the passage of such an act, without delay.

As intimately associated with the means of public defence, I can not forbear urging upon you the importance of constructing, upon the princi ples which have been brought into use in the construction of the Prince ton, several ships-of-war of a larger class, better fitted than that ship to the heavy armament which should be placed on board of them. The suc cess which has so eminently crowned this first experiment, should encour age Congress to lose no time in availing the country of all the important benefits so obviously destined to flow from it. Other nations will speedily give their attention to the subject; and it would be criminal in the United States-the first to apply to practical purposes the great power which has been brought into use-to permit others to avail themselves of our improve ments, while we stood listlessly and supinely by. In the number of steam vessels-of-war, we are greatly surpassed by other nations, and yet to Americans is the world indebted for that great discovery of the means of successfully applying steam-power, which has, in the last quarter century, so materially changed the condition of the world. We have now taken another, and even bolder step, the results of which upon the affairs of nations remain still to be determined; and I can not but flatter myself that it will be followed up, without loss of time, to the full extent of the public

demands. The secretary of the navy will be instructed to lay before you suitable estimates of the cost of constructing so many ships of such size and dimensions as you may think proper to order to be built.

The application of steam-power to ships-of-war, no longer confines us to the seaboard in their construction. The urgent demands of the service for the gulf of Mexico, and the substitution of iron for wood, in the construction of ships, plainly points to the establishment of a navy-yard at some suitable place on the Mississippi. The coal-fields and iron-mines of the extensive region watered by that noble river, recommend such an establishment, while high considerations of public policy would lead to the same conclusion.

One of the complaints of the western states against the actual operation of our system of government, is, that while large and increasing expenditures of public money are made on the Atlantic frontier, the expenditures in the interior are comparatively small. The time has now arrived when this cause of complaint may be, in a great measure, removed, by adopting the legitimate and necessary policy which I have indicated, thereby throwing around the states another bond of union.

I could not forego the favorable opportunity which has presented itself, growing out of the communication from the secretary of the navy, to urge upon you the foregoing recommendations.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 29, 1844.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :I HAVE to perform the melancholy duty of announcing to the two houses of Congress the death of the Hon. Abel P. Upshur, late secretary of state, and the Hon. T. W. Gilmer, late secretary of the navy.

This most lamentable occurrence transpired on board the United States ship-of-war Princeton, on yesterday, at about half after four o'clock in the evening, and proceeded from the explosion of one of the large guns of that ship.

The loss which the government and the country have sustained by this deplorable event, is heightened by the death, at the same time, and by the same cause, of several distinguished persons and valuable citizens.

I shall be permitted to express my great grief at an occurrence which has thus so suddenly stricken from my side two gentlemen upon whose advice I so confidently relied, in the discharge of my arduous task of administering the office of the executive department, and whose services at this interesting period were of such vast importance.

In some relief of the public sorrow which must necessarily accompany this most painful event, it affords me much satisfaction to say, that it was produced by no carelessness or inattention on the part of the officers and crew of the Princeton, but must be set down as one of those casualties which, to a greater or less degree, attend upon every service, and which are invariably incident to the temporal affairs of mankind. I will also add, that it in no measure detracts, in my estimation, from the value of the improvement contemplated in the construction of the Princeton, or from the merits of her brave and distinguished commander and projector.