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to give our Flesh unto the Fowls of the Air, and to the Beafts of the Field. Will you hear the words of their Challenge from him? Nor can thofe, faith he, fpeaking of himself, who differ from him, have any just reafon to be diffatisfied for his giving them an Opportunity to expose, and baffle all the contrary Arguments, fince if they have Truth on their fide, nothing can do their Canfe a greater kindness, than muftering up thofe Reasons which oppofe it. Is not this Bravado of our Author fomething like that of the Philiftine, who cried out unto the Armies of Ifrael, and faid, Choose you a man for you, and let him come, and fight with me; I defy the armies of Ifrael, give me a man that we may fight together? He boafts what Obligations the World hath to him for defending the natural Rights of Mankind (which we fhall fee how he'll maintain against the Rehearsal) as a Man, and as a Chriftian, for ftriking at the Root of Antichriftian Priestcraft. Thus, if they were alive, might Hobbs, and Blunt, and many other Sons of Belial, brag; and thus may all the Authors cited in the Ax laid to the Root of Chriftianity, boaft of their Merits for freeing Men and Christians from the Yoke. He faith, he hopes the Laity will take him into their Protection, for his Love to Truth, and Zeal for the Church by Law establish'd: Yes, for the Love and Zeal he hath fhewed to Truth and her, in writing against her Epifcopal Government, in depraving and profaning her holy Offices, in expofing her Priests, and abufing the Chriftian Priesthood, and deriving all her Spiritual or Ecclefiaftical Power from the Magiftrate, and in afferting her to tyrannize over the Confciences of Men, as much, tho' not with fo good a grace, as the Church of Rome.

If this be Love for Truth, and Zeal, and Merit for the Church of England, indeed he deserves not only Protection from the Laity, but praife and Honour from the Clergy, even as much Praife, and Honour, as another Gentleman of the Laity indeed deserves from them, who

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is the Reverfe to him, ia f bis Writings about the Church, and Priesthood, even as much Reverse, I had almost said to him and his Writings, as Good is to Evil, or a good to an evil Angel. But then it follows, if I be fo unhappy as to ful under the Difpleasure of fame Ecclefi afticks, even of the national Church, for striking at their Great Diana, meaning the Diftinction of the Church from the State. What fall under the Difpleafare of the national Church for his Zeal for the Church established by L? Are thefe two different Churches? Can he deferve well of the one, and fail under the Difpleafure of the other? This is Paradox and Riddle, which I leave him to explain, and to tell me, which Clergy it is, the Clergy of the national Church, or of the Church established by Lam, which in the next words he tells the Laity are their mortal Enemies, who claim an abfolute wncontrolable Power over their Minds, and by Confequence over their Ferfons, and Estates.

I have now done with the Rights, and the Author of it, but must tell my Reader, that I have not faid,all that I might, upon his Book. For I might have noted more of his Contradictions, of which take an Example, or two. p. 5. He faith if the Father by the Law of Nature had abfolute Power over the Son, he could not be deprived of it, and yet p. 10. he faith, that the Power which every Man bath by the Law of Nature may be transferred by hi to the Magistrate. In p. 14, 15. All Men in judging for themfelves in religious Matters, and all religious assemblies, even Clubs and Meetings for Pleasure must be independent of the Magistrate, but the Independency of the Priesthood through his whole Book is an intollerable Grievance. In fome places, he writes, as if Persecution were wholly owing to the Claim of an independent Power, and yet he asserts that the Apostles, and firft Bishops (who were most perfecuted) claimed

+ A Companion for the Feftivals and Fafts of the Church of Eng land with Collects, and Prayers for each Solemnity. 4th. Edit. By Robert Neljon.

no fuch Power. p. 190. he faith the Laity can have no Motive, or Temptation to abufe, and corrupt Religion, and yet the Reader will find, he impeaches the Clergy for fervilely complying with Princes,who have for their Intereft corrupted Religion.p.263. He faith no Heathens were ever fo ftupid, as to entertain such a monstrous Contradiction, as independent Powers, and yet, p. 43. 98. Excommunication among Chriftians, the chief Branch of the independent Power, was derived from Heathens, who governed all things by Virtue of it, and Kings were only their Minifters to execute their Sentences. p. 265. Constantine was entirely governed by the Bishops, but p. 197. 201. he governs, and manages them. Alfo p. 118. he faith there were no Feuds, and Animofities among the Heathens upon the Account of Religion, and p. 260. that the Heathens never persecuted one another upon that Account, both which Asfertions are notoriously falfe, as can be made appear from the Greek, and Latin Hiftorians. I have but noted few of the most odious Names, and Characters he hath given the Clergy, because it was tedious to collect them as fpiritual Make-bates, Bareters, Beautefeus, and Incendiaries, who make Churches ferve to worfe purpo·fes, than Bear-Gardens. I have paffed over all his tragical, and fallacious Reprefentations of the independent Power, as the Occafion of all Mischiefs to human Societies, as of Wars, Maffacres, Murders, Perfecutions, &c. in which way of arguing he may impeach not only the Scriptures, and the whole Chriftian Religion, as well, as that part of it, but our Lord himself, who forefeeing what Divifions his Doctrine would occafion in the World through the Unbelief, and Wickedness of Men, faid, think not that I am come to fend Peace on Earth, I came not to fend Peace but a Sword, to fet a Man at variance against his Father, and the Daughter against her Mother, and fo had he pleafed he might have added, the Wife against her Husband, the Servant against his

† 118,

Master,

Master, and the Subiect against his Prince. Nav in this way of argning he might arraign the Wisdom, and Goodness of God, for not making Man infallible, im placable, and immutably good, which really is the Occation of all the Mischiefs to human Societies, and the Mifery of Mankind. There is nothing fo good, but through the Corruption, and Abate of Men, may be the Occasion, or accidental Cacie of Evil. No one Doctrine, I believe, in the whole Syftem of Chriftia nity, which hath not occafioned Feeds, and Differences in the World from the fame accidental Cante, as well as that of the independent Power, and more particularly, not only from the Unbelief of Pagan, but from the Ambition, and mere worldly Politicks of Sovereign Chriftian Princes, and States, or their being misled into Herefies, or Schifms, which I could fhew by numerous Inftances against our Author from the Hiftories of the Church.

I might also have fhew'd him the falfencfs of his Affertion, that our Princes can no more judge in Perfon, than exercise the Ecclefiaftical Function from Bracton lib. ii. cap. ix. x. fol. 107, 108. which I defire him, as well as the Reader to confult. I have fhew'd in my Differ tation of the use of the ancient Septentrional literature that our Saxon Kings judged in Perfon, and he may find a placitum in the time of the Conqueror Willielmo Rege tenente curiam. in cart. Antiq. E. B. in the Tower n. 1. In the Cotton-library. Julius D. 6. he may find another mentioned in the time of Edward the Confeffor. Sedente eo pro tribunali Die Festo in Aula Regia. Thus the King upon appeals made into Chancery from the Court Military often recites, that because he could not be perfonally prefent, he therefore conftitutes delegates. pat. 51. Ed. 3. m.17. dors, and 36. dors. There are alfo Inftances of the King's determining Caufes in Perfon, as pat. 13. R. 2. m. 8. in the Cafe of Scroop, and Grofvenor, printed by Pryn on the 4th. Inftitutes. p. 62. As alfo in that of Grey and Hastings. pat. 1. H. 5. pl. 1. m. 30. In answer to his Queftion Preface p. xi. ho

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could the Parliament, if the Convocation had a Divine Right to make Ecclefiaftical Laws, enable both Henry VIII. and Edward VI. to authorize 32 Perfons, half of them Lay-men, to establish all fuch Ecclefiaftical Laws, as fhould be thought by the King and them convenient, &c? In answer, I fay to this Queftion, and all he faith upon it, I thought to have fhew'd out of Dr. Atterbury's 2. Edition of the Rights, and Powers of an English Convocation, that from many other Inftances of the like Nature it is highly probable, that those Acts had their firft Rife and Original in the Convocation. I cannot transcribe thofe excellent Remarks, of which I believe the Author of the Rights is not ignorant, but am forced to refer the Reader to the Book it felf from p. 179, to p. 206, being cut short very much against my Will. In particular I defire my Reader to confult the whole Passage in Mr. * Fuller's Church-Hiftory, whereof the Dr. cites part p. 180. and then he may guess, why the fuppofed Author of the Rights, who is generally believed to be the true Author, would take no Notice of that Book, which would have led his Reader to fo good an answer not only to himself, but the most malicious Objection of the Papifts against the Church of England, which he has made fo much ufe of in other Terms, viz. that we have a Parliament-Religion, a Parliament-Faith, a Parliament-Gospel, Parliament-Bishops, and a Parliament-Church. It was good Policy in a Man, who turned, or was turning Papist in the last of those two, which he now calls the perfecuting Reigns, to conceal from whom he borrowed that way of arguing from Acts of Parliament against the Church of England, and the independent Power, to which the hath an indefeafable Title, and Right, as a Member of the Catholick Church. I alfo thought to have fhew'd how this Notion of natural Freedom, and founding all Government in confent of Parties contrary to the Laws, and Practife

* P. Book V. 188. + Introduction.

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