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The motion was put, and negatived.

Debate on the Irish Budget.] April 1. The House having resolved itself into a Committee of Ways and Means,

nded, and multitudes would be starving to that of England as 1 to 100; but now o are well fed notwithstanding the the proportion of the debt of Ireland was essure of scarcity. He saw no reason to that of England as 1 to 10. But a believe that the circulating paper had large part of the debt of Ireland was in creased in any proportion beyond the 5 per cents; and if this debt was reduced creased employment that is found for it. to 3 per cents in which a great part of the e would not deny that prices had been debt of England consisted, then its prorried beyond any just pretensions to a portion would be as 1 to 8 to the permaasonable profit; but the true cause of nent debt of England. The interest e present distress should never be put upon the debt of Ireland amounted to ut of sight. 1,696,000l.-The next article of the separate charge of Ireland was 622,000l. for the compensation for boroughs, which was all that it was thought desirable to raise in one year. The next item was 100,000. for the improvement of the inland naviMr. Corry (the Irish chancellor of the gation; these three sums made something xchequer) said, that before he entered more than 2,400,000l., which formed the to the statements of the charges upon separate charge that was to be provided reland, he should say a few words about for by Ireland. With respect to the prohe finances of that country. The prin- portion of the joint charge which Ireland ciple of the Union, which was so much to was to bear, a very large part of it, viz. the interest of both countries, agreed 4,150,000l., was for the military expenses, pon, was a principle of complete and The other part of the joint charge, which entire union of the governments of the two was for civil purposes, amounted to above countries. As far as respected the govern- 600,000l. making together something more ments, that principle had been completely than 4,700,000l. exclusive of 300,000l. for carried into effect. It was no longer an the vote of credit. This, added to the union of two crowns; it was an union of sum necessary for the separate charge the sovereignty. But, owing to some of Ireland, would make the whole amount circumstances subsisting antecedent to the of the supplies necessary to be provided union, it became necessary, for a short by Ireland for the present year somewhat time, to administer the finances of the above 7,100,000/-He would now state two countries in a separate manner, and the ways and means by which he proposed not in that perfect unity, which it was the to cover this charge. It was customary, object of the great measure to which he in the parliament of Ireland previous to had alluded to effect. As, therefore, at the union, to grant the supplies from the present, the finances of the two countries 25th March in one year, to the 25th were separate, it would be necessary for March in the next year. Last year the him to state them in two points of view; same plan was adhered to, and the supboth as they affected Ireland separately, plies were granted to the usual period, and in conjunction with great Britain. and provision was made accordingly. He would now proceed to state the sepa- But, in consequence of the act of union, rate charges, the first of which was the the joint charges between the two couninterest of the national debt, which form-tries commenced from the 1st Jan. 1801, ed the great article of the separate charge upon Ireland, as the military expense formed almost the whole of her joint charge. With respect to the debt of Ireland, it would appear, to ears accustomed to the hundreds of millions of this country, to amount only to a small sum; it was at present no more than 36,000,000l. It was, however, a burthen of great importance to that country, and had increased rapidly during the present war. The proportion of the debt of Ireland, at the commencement of the war, was, to the debt at present, in the proportion of 1 to 14. Her debt, at that period, was

and consequently the supplies from that period to the 25th March must be thrown into the joint estimate. It would therefore be necessary to disappropriate the balances remaining in the treasury of Ireland for the period he had mentioned, in order to make them applicable to the current service of the present year. The balances in the treasury of Ireland on 1st Jan. 1801 amounted to 1,697,000l., besides 800,000l. the balance of the loans. In addition to those, were to be taken into consideration the revenues of the country, which consisted of the same leading articles as those of Great Britain, viz. in.

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customs, which, in Ireland, were termed | rowed to pay them was at rather more port duties; in inland duties; in the assessed taxes; and in the revenue arising from the post-office. The income arising from the port duties amounted to about 2,500,000l.; from stamps, about 150,000l.; and from the post-office, only about 20,000l. after defraying the charge of collecting. In estimating the revenues of the current year, he should form his calculation upon the three quarters of the year up to Christmas last; they amounted then to 1,800,000l. consequently he should take their whole produce at 2,400,000l. -He begged leave here to remark, that, in the revenue received in the three quarters upon which he was calculating, there was not included any produce of the duty upon malt. The reason of this must be obvious; the distress of the country was so great, that it became necessary to stop the making of malt. It was permitted for a short time in October; but as the officer did not make his return until a month after it was collected, and as a month's time was given for its payment, the duties which arose during the short period that it was allowed to make malt, did not come within the three quarters upon which he had estimated. He would take the produce of this duty at 200,000l., which would make the revenue 2,600,000l. It had been usual, in Ireland, to have one or two lotteries in the course of the year; and he should propose one for the present year, the produce of which he should take at 150,000l. The sums applicable to the service of the present year would then be 5,247,000/-From this there was to be a deduction of 230,000l. for the loyalists, which it was necessary to pay as soon as possible, in order to enable those unfortunate persons to rebuild their houses, and to restore the industry of the country. There was also a sum of 70,000l. to be deducted, paid by Ireland to her forces in the garrisons of Great Britain; which would leave the sum applicable to the service of the year, 4,947,000l. There was another sum which he had to mention, though it did not form a part of the charge or expenditure of the present year; and that was about half a million of exchequer bills, or treasury bills, as they were called in Ireland, because they were calculated in the debt which he had stated, and provided for in the interest. They were, therefore, no charge upon the public this year; except as they were issued at 5 per cent, and the money bor

than 5 per cent. It was also to be observed, that as long as they remained exchequer bills, there was not the expense of one per cent for the sinking fund, which would be necessary as soon as they were funded; but, with the exception of this sum, which did not exceed 10,000l. they constituted no part of the charge of the present year. The ways and means being therefore unequal to the supply of the year, it became necessary to borrow the sum of 2,500,000/-He should now state the new taxes. The sum necessary to be provided as the interest and charge of the debt (including the one per cent for the sinking fund) would amount to 188,000l.; but, in providing the taxes, it would be necessary to take into consideration three other items. In consequence of the Union, there were to be no duties upon the exports and imports from either country; and in the arrangement of the duties, there would be a deficiency on the part of Ireland of 60,000l. and that sum it would be necessary to make up. There was also a small tax upon absentees, not exceeding 8,000l.; but as gentlemen were now bound in duty to attend a certain part of the year in this country, it would be absurd to make them liable to a tax for that which they did in discharge of their duty. It was therefore intended to abandon it. Another article by which the revenue of Ireland would be diminished was, the duty on hops, which it was necessary to reduce to what it was in this country. This would create a deficiency of 75,000. These would make the sum necessary to be provided for by taxes 263,000l.-In selecting the new taxes it was natural for him to look to those of this country. It was besides desirable, that the taxes should be upon the same articles, if not to the same amount, in the two countries. The first article would be that of sugar. The duty he should propose was 2s. per cwt. He should estimate the revenue arising from it at 24,000l. The next arti cle was tea. As the duty took place at present upon this article in Ireland, it became lower as the price of the article rose. He proposed to impose a duty of 20 per cent upon all teas sold at the India House under 2s. 6d. per lb., and 35 per cent upon teas above that price. He did not, however, state at what he estimated the produce of this tax. He next adverted to the post-office, the produce of which was only 25,000l.; he proposed

which was the exact sum that Great Britain contributed towards the expenses of Ireland, more than the latter contributed to the expenses of the former; and perhaps it would be found when so large a military force in Ireland became less necessary, that the expenses of the two countries would be as nearly equalized as possible, since a great part of the balance of expense arose from the charge of a military force which did not form a part of the permanent establishment of Ireland. He lamented that facts had been stated by so many gentlemen from Ireland that rendered the necessity of a large military force in that country too apparent. He hoped those facts would not tend to raise a prejudice in this country against Ire. land, or prevent capitalists from embarking thither with their property, for whether they went as farmers or manufacturers, they would find their prospects equally beneficial, and their advantages equally great-they would find it a country in which they might employ their capital with the most profitable return. The climate was in the highest degree favourable, and the country was capable of becoming the granary of Great Britain, and of affording it that supply for which it now depended upon the caprice of foreign powers. He concluded by moving resolutions according to the tenor of his speech.

some regulations, which he estimated would produce an additional 5,000l. He then proposed an additional duty on notes, bills of exchange, receipts, bonds for the payment of money, and policies of insurance. The circumstances of Ireland would not permit deeds to be included. He estimated the produce of this also at 5,000l. With respect to policies of insurance, they were little known in Ireland; and he principally wished the present duty upon them to be imposed in consequence of fears which had been expressed by under-writers in this country, that persons might open policies in Ireland, and thereby evade the payment of the duty imposed upon them here; the duty now proposed, therefore, would at any rate effectually prevent that evasion, if it did not form in itself any productive source of revenue. With respect to the article of taxation he meant next to advert to, he particularly wished not to be misunderstood; he alluded to the article of coals, which, before the Union, had been imported into Ireland from this country, paying a duty which produced 17,000l. a year. This duty having ceased in consequence of that event, all he wished was, to revive it as a part of the present revenue of that country. This duty would be 10d. per ton, and would produce the same sum as before, 17,000l. per ann. The next article was the distillery. The duties upon this had formerly proSir John Parnell entered into a finanduced 400,000l. per ann. In the last year, cial detail to show that the statements of however, they in a great measure failed, Mr. Corry were not accurate. He partithe use of grain in distillation having been cularly objected to the right hon. gentleprohibited. Sugar had been resorted to man taking credit for the sum he had as a substitute, and the drawbacks upon mentioned to be in the Exchequer, on that article amounted to 500,000l. The the 1st of January 1801, as there were number of gallons of spirits produced by arrears to a very large amount which it the distilleries in Ireland had been 3 or had to discharge.. He maintained that 4,000,000; from the distresses of the England would have to pay 2,000,000l. people, however, the consumption would on account of Ireland, as the expenses be considerably diminished, and he would of Ireland this year would not be less only take the number of 1,000,000 of gal- than 9,000,000l. There might be a saving lons, upon which he proposed to lay a to Ireland, but how much greater a sum duty of 2s. 3d. per gallon, which he esti- was even 7,000,000l. than she was acmated would produce 112,000l. per ann. customed to pay a few years ago? In the He proposed also some regulations rela-year of her rebellion her whole expense tive to the drawbacks upon the sugar did not exceed 3,500,000l. The system used in the distilleries. The whole amount of the proposed taxes he estimated at 294,000l. He wished to say a few words relative to the saving accruing to Ireland by its union with England, which appeared to be exactly 1,000,000l. If, how ever, it was more closely investigated, the million would be reduced to 369,000l.

was becoming worse and worse daily, and if persisted in, must occasion the ruin of the country. As England was to pay all above 7,000,000l. he begged gentlemen for their own sakes to look more narrowly into this subject. The expense might seem trifling, but England, in her present situation, could bear no addition to her

burthens. The vessel was already full, and a drop more might make the waters

of bitterness to overflow.

The Resolutions were agreed to.

The

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the high price of provisions for carrying those
wicked designs into effect:-It has partic
larly appeared to your Committee, that the
instigators of these proceedings have, on re-
peated occasions, secretly expressed their wish
for the aggravation of those evils, which they
every where endeavour to use as a pretext
and engine for exciting popular discontent-
They appear to have derived their principal
encouragement from the pressure arising from
the scarcity: from the hopes of assistance
from a foreign enemy upon the invasion of s
Great Britain or Ireland; and from the expi-
ration of the laws before referred to, which,
from the concurrent testimony of different
parts of the kingdom, they acknowledge and
declare to have been the principal obstacle to
their measures.

First Report from the Commons' Com mittee of Secrecy on the State of Ireland, and the Proceedings of certain disaffected Persons in both parts of the United Kingdom.] April 1. Mr. Chancellor Addington presented to the House, by his majesty's command," Copies, and Extracts of Papers, containing Secret Information received by his Majesty's Government relative to the State of Ireland, and to the Proceedings of certain disaffected Persons in both Parts of the United Kingdom," sealed up. The said papers were referred to a secret committee of twenty-one members, which was ballotted for on the fol. lowing day.

Within a few weeks past, and to the latest period to which the information received by your Committee can apply, their activity has been great, and increasing in the metropolis, and in other parts of the kingdom; every ef fort is employed that can tend to disturb the public tranquillity; and recent intelligente

April 13. Mr. Pelham presented from has been received from different quarters, the said Committee the following

REPORT.

THE Committee of Secrecy, to whom the several papers, which were presented (sealed up) to the House, by Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, upon the 1st and 2nd days of this inst. April, by his majesty's command, were referred; and who were directed to examine the matters, thereof, and report the same, as they shall appear to them, to the House: Have proceeded, with the utmost diligence, to the consideration of the matters referred to them; but, from the extent and variety of the information respecting different parts of the United Kingdom, which has been laid before them, they are under the necessity of requesting the indulgence of the House for a short time, before they can submit the result of their investigation on all the points to which it has extended.

which justifies your Committee in believing, that, at this moment, the immediate object of the disaffected is, to endeavour, by a sudden explosion, to avail themselves of the interval which may still take place before those laws can be renewed. The dangerous system of a secret confederacy, under the obligation of an unlawful oath, which prevailed in Ireland, and afterwards extended itself to Great Britain, has been revived, with additional precautions, for the purpose of eluding detection, and of insuring concert, secrecy, and dispatch: And it appears to be in agitation, suddenly, by these means, to call numerous meetings, in different parts of the country, at the same day and hour, to an extent which, if not prevented, must materially endanger the public peace; and that among the persons most forward in instigating these criminal proceedings, are some of those who had been detained under the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act, and who have been recently released from confinement.

Your Committee, however, think it incumbent upon them to state, without delay, that These considerations, your Committee have they have received the fullest proofs that the felt themselves bound to submit, in the first dangerous and treasonable conspiracy for the instance, to the wisdom of the House, believsubversion of the constitution and govern- ing that any delay in so doing would be atment, which in the year 1798, in concert with tended with material danger to the country; a foreign enemy, produced the horrid and and, for the same reason, they feel it a duty sanguinary rebellion in Ireland, and the pro- incumbent on them to take the first moment gress and extent of which, in Great Britain, of stating to the House, their strong and une is detailed in the report of the committee of nimous opinion, grounded on the information secrecy in the year 1799, has never been aban-which they had received, that no time ought doned.-The hopes and activity of the disaffected were checked, and their intentions frustrated by the vigilance of government, and by the effect of the laws which were adopted: But their principles and designs remained unchanged, and they have, for some time, and more especially of late, been endeavouring to take advantage of the distress occasioned by

to be lost in renewing those measures of precaution which the wisdom of the legislature has before adopted; particularly the act for the suspension of the provisions of the Habeas Corpus act, and the act to prevent seditious meetings; which, while they remained in force, were attended with the happiest effects in preserving the public tranquillity, and

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Debate in the Commons on the Habeas Corpus Suspension Bill.] April 14. The order of the day being read for taking the Report of the Secret Committee into consideration,

Mr. Pelham rose to state the reasons which induced him to bring forward the present motion. By the report of the Secret Committee, the House would see the necessity of reviving those laws against sedition and treason which had been suffered to expire. The country had been indebted for its tranquillity to these measures, and if its safety was again endangered, there was no reason why they should not again be resorted to. He adverted to the report that had been laid before the Irish parliament in 1798, of the practices which led to the sanguinary rebellion, and also to the more detailed report of that rebellion which was laid before the British parliament in 1799. It thereby appeared that a standing committee was held at Hamburgh, which kept up a communication with the disaffected in this country, and likewise with the common enemy abroad. If the House should see that the persons who embarked in these treasonable practices were dejected and confounded by the measures that were adopted in compliance with the advice of these reports, and that immediately on the expiration of those laws, the same persons aroused anew from their dejection, and endeavoured to take fresh and more dangerous means of disturbing the tranquillity of the country, by collecting together the lower classes of the community, and binding them by criminal oaths to resist the lawful authority of the government, they surely would lose no time in reenacting those laws, by whose salutary constraint these treasonable machinations had been frustrated. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus act was a measure of severity, and placed a power in the

crown which it was the duty of the House to look upon with a jealous eye. It was however, a measure of prudence and precaution which the nature of circumstances might call for, but which always cast upon ministers an additional weight of responsibility. The committee advised: the recurring to that nieasure at present, and also to the bills for checking sedition and treason. He would therefore move, "That leave be given to bring in a bill for reviving and farther continuing, for a time to be limited, several acts, made in the 38th, 39th, and 40th years of his present majesty's reign, and in the last session of parliament, for empowering his majesty to secure and detain such persons as his majesty shall suspect are conspiring against his person and government.'

Mr. M. A. Taylor said, that as no proof had been adduced to show the urgency of the measure, the House ought to search into deeper grounds than the mere report of the committee, before they assented at one day's notice, to the introduction of an act that deprived the country of the great Palladium of the constitution. He complained of the manner in which the committee had been formed. It was said to be by ballot; but he wished it had been chosen like election committees. At least it should not be composed wholly of members of one side of the House. None were to be found in it, but those con nected with the former ministers. He feared, indeed, that the new chancellor of the exchequer would adopt the measures of his predecessor. He must, however, remind the House that the acts of that administration were acts of violence. No danger could arise from a short delay. Besides, where was the necessity of arming ministers with such power? Could they not take up suspected persons as well without as with it? Yes; but then they must bring them to trial in a reasonable time. This was not what they wanted— their wish was to detain persons in custody longer than the law allowed. There were persons now in confinement for certain publications and papers. Why not lay those papers before the House? Why not inform the House of the new steps. pursued by the seditious authors of those publications? As to the other bills that were intended to be brought in, the real object in introducing them was, to intimidate those who wished to call their cond | stituents together, to consider of the grievances of the country. By means of

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