Such being the result of general observation on this part of the subject, let me ask whether there is any thing in the local situation of Great Britain and Ireland, which can fairly be considered as rendering such an institution unnecessary or superfluous with regard to ourselves? It is perfectly true that our insular situation renders us, thank God for it! much less dependent on land operations, than the nations on the continent are; and the unexampled high state of preparation, discipline, and science, attained by our navy (justly considered undoubtedly as the right arm of the public force), has hitherto set us much more at our ease on this point, and naturally absorbed the greater proportion of the national attention and encouragement. But however just and reasonable may be the pride, satisfaction, and confidence we feel in contemplating the power and prowess of our navy, no prudent man has, I am sure, ever ventured to imagine-nor, after all the experience of various kinds we have had of late years (to which I will merely allude in passing), will ever be inclined to imagine again, that our fleet alone, however powerful and well directed, can be capable of itself, at all times and under all circumstances, effectually to cover all the immense and widely-scattered foreign possessions of this country from attack; or even to protect, in all seasons, the widely extended sea coasts of Great Britain and Ireland, at all points, from insult. Such being the case, it must be conceded to me, that some army is indisputably necessary for the defence of the British empire; and without entering at large into what the composition, the numbers, the system or the economical arrangement of it ought to be; or what the use to be made of it, under any possible combination of circumstances which might be supposed; this proposition I think may be asserted without the fear of contradiction, that the British army ought to be at all times in a state to contend effectually with every enemy that it may be its duty to encounter, and ought with that view to be formed and constituted upon the justest practical military principles; among which, as I have said before, the institution of its officers in the knowledge of military science is one of the first and most important. I must here observe, that in proportion as it is thought expedient to keep up a low military establishment in time of peace, and consequently to fill up our regiments and battalions with raw recruits, at the commencement, or during the progress of war, by so much the more necessary must it be, to take the utmost care to instruct the officers in the scientific knowledge of their profession, by every possible means, and by every practicable mode of encouragement. It must be admitted, that the British army has for a long time in this respect laboured under many and great disadvantages. Much indeed, very much has been done for it of late years, by the gallant and illustrious prince now at its head, who has in a manner entirely renewed and recreated it within a very short period. Might I be allowed to indulge myself for a moment in paying a tribute of respect and gratitude, where I feel from my heart that it is due, I should be inclined to say, that nothing can exceed the zeal, the diligence the soldier-like frankness, the professional knowledge, and the patriotic views of that illustrious personage who is at once the protector of the deserving officer, and the soldier's friend. But the truth is, that there is scarcely room left to criticise any possible defects in the frame and system of the British army, when one contemplates the various excellencies and advantages which belong to the more intrinsic and material parts of its composition. Firmness, steadiness, perseverance, endurance; these are the characteristics of the British soldier ;-zeal, alacrity, and enterprise; these are the characteristics of the British officer; common to both are loyalty and fidelity without. stain, combined with the most fearless and determined courage; the ancient and hereditary bravery of the British and Irish nations; "the unconquerable mind, and spirit never to submit or yield." I am indeed perfectly convinced that every honest man and true Briton will not fail to do complete and ample justice to the zeal, the gallantry, and the steadiness of the army. Such being its actual state and description, it is impossible for the most accurate judge of military affairs to wish that any thing should be added to it, except more frequent and effectual opportu nities for the officers in general to become better acquainted with the scientific knowledge of their profession. knowledge of experience many have possessed, and many undoubtedly do possess at this moment in a very considerable degree; and I am bold to say, that in no service in Europe have natural genius a The and intellectual energy been more conspicuously displayed than in the British service. Can we ever forget the honoured names of Marlborough, and Cadogan; of Amherst, and Wolfe; of Coote, and Erskine; of Stuart, and Abercromby? I name only some of those which are gone, to spare the modesty of many that are now alive. Great genius, and great abilities, will undoubtedly arise from time to time, capable of encountering and surmounting all difficulties; but the instances must be rare and fortuitous. It is to the institution of science alone, and to a just and well regulated system of military instruction, that the nation must look with confidence to a regular and constant supply of able general officers, qualified to ensure the public safety and defence. In this view of the subject, it is the system of modern British education in general that must be blamed and criticised, for not affording proper means and facilities to the zeal, the intelligence, and the thirst of knowledge of young men intended for the army, of acquiring the rudiments and foundations of science; without which they can never expect to arrive at the summit of the arduous and difficult profession to which they are destined. In the navy the case is widely different; young men are under the necessity of entering into that service at a very early age, and are obliged to acquire the habits of practice, at the same time with the institutions of science; without which the most ordinary details of the service cannot go on from day to day, it is further necessary for them to undergo a very serious public examination as to their sufficiency, in the presence of competent and rigid judges, before they can obtain a lieutenant's commission-the first and earliest object of their ambition. On the other hand, young men generally enter into the army at the age of sixteen and seventeen, the usual time of leaving the public schools; where in this country in general, nothing is taught but the rudiments of grammar, and a taste for the dead languages, with little or no attention to the principles of science, or philosophy of any kind; which are almost wholly referred to the universities at a later period; the advantages of which a young officer has very rarely an opportunity of possessing. There are, I believe few seminaries of any reputation in this country, where the principles of geometry, arithmetic, surveying, or even drawing, are taught in any scientific manner; and, in general, young men, even of the best education, and with the greatest advantages, leave school very little prepared in such res pects. Under these circumstances they are placed in the army; and immediately called upon either to join their regiments on actual service, or in some foreign gar rison or station, or perhaps in some distant country quarter. What opportunities, what assistance can be afforded in such situations, to the taste, the zeal, the intelligence, the desire of knowledge, which I doubt not is often carried into the ser vice even at that early age, but which must in general be wasted and destroyed for want of cultivation? It is culture of this description which is the only thing wanting to the British army: give your officers a fair and effectual opportunity of acquiring the necessary science, and of applying it to the practice of their profes sion, and depend upon it they will show themselves on all occasions the worthy emulators of their brethren on the sea, and prove themselves equally entitled on every occasion to the respect, the gra titude, and the confidence of their country. I must here beg leave to observe, that institutions of the nature and description of that which has been proposed, are by no means of a novel nature in this coun try: others now exist, framed for similar purposes, and supported at the public expense. I mean the royal naval academy in the arsenal at Portsmouth, and that for the cadets of the artillery and engineer services at Woolwich, which has very deservedly obtained a high reputation. This appears to have been originally established about the year 1740, when the artillery service began to excite more attention in Europe, and to be formed into a more correct and scientific system; and from very small beginnings, has attained its present importance, and well-deserved reputation. If the engineer and artillery services, which, however important, can only be considered with respect to a well composed army, as parts, and even subordinate parts, of one whole, require such an institution as that at Woolwich, for their instruction and formation, how much more then must the general staff depart ment (whose business it is to direct and combine the operations, not only of the engineers and artillery, but of the cavalry, infantry, and light troops-and the whole detail of the movements, positions, and supplies of the army), demand that the affairs at the time, and to the extraordinary genius and abilities of the right hon. gentleman whom it has been my fortune to succeed in office), I say, I shall ever consider it as a fortunate occurrence of my life, that I have been enabled to afford my feeble assistance to the establishment of a plan, which I verily believe is likely to produce the most beneficial effects upon the British army, and through its means, upon the general interests of the British empire.-Mr. Yorke concluded with moving, "That it is the opinion of this committee, that a sum not exceeding 30,000l. be granted to his majesty, on account of the purchase of land, and the construction of buildings, for a Royal Military College, being the sum that will probably be required for the said service in the year 1801." Mr. Jones could not look upon a mea. sure of this nature, which recommended the emulation of a system of continental policy, without a considerable degree of constitutional jealousy. He disliked every thing that tended to Germanize the English army. officers who are destined to compose it, should be completely and profoundly skilled and informed in all the duties and mysteries of their profession? If these observations can be considered as applicable to the situation of Great Britain and Ireland in ordinary times, and under ordinary circumstances, how much more so must they be in the present extraordinary period of the world, when the whole system of Europe, and the balance of power (on which so much reliance was formerly placed for our preservation), is completely overturned from its very foundations? When our ancient and inveterate enemy, France, has perhaps acquired fourfold means of prosecuting her rancorous designs against us: when the warlike and threatening aspect with [which this country appears to open upon us; when the multitudes of mischievous, malignant, and bloody dispositions, which surround us on all sides, perpetually brooding over speculations of plunder and massacre, of rebellion and destruction, present a formidable appearance even to the most steady and constant mind; when peace itself, the end and object of all the hopes and wishes of honest and reasonable men, presents to us at best nothing more than an armed, suspicious, and hollow truce-when, to sum up the whole, the envy, hatred, and uncharitableness of almost the whole world, continues to persecute this country with unabated malice, because, through the blessing of Almighty Providence, it enjoys more liberty, more prosperity, and more happiness than most of its neighbours. When I say, all these things are come upon us, and we are indeed " fallen on Dr. Laurence agreed that the soldier evil days, and evil tongues," shall we not should not be considered as separated endeavour, by every practicable means, from the mass of the community. But effectually to strengthen and confirm both the present measure was necessary at a the arms of the public force and security, time when Europe was assuming a miliand, by every possible exertion of pru-tary character, and military confederacies dence and policy, "to make assurance double sure, and tell pale-hearted fear it lies." For my own part, I am so perfectly convinced of the utility and necessity of some such institution as the present, that, should I be so happy as to succeed in suading this committee, and the House, to the adoption of the measure, I shall ever consider it as fortunate for myself, that, after having been called to his majesty's service in a manner the most unexpected and unsolicited, and under circumstances very unpropitious and discouraging (I allude to the situation of public per Mr. Wilberforce said he highly approved of the measure. In proportion as he wished to see a small standing army, he wished to see that army well instructed and disciplined, and so as to render the most ef fectual service. Mr. O'Hara said, that the true policy was to consider the soldier as a citizen, and that he might return at peace into the mass of his fellow-citizens; whereas to educate the children of soldiers for a military life might lead them to a different idea. were forming. This country could never be expected to take a lead in the military counsels and confederacies of Europe, without the means of operating to that effect. The Resolution was agreed to. June 10. The resolution being reported to the House, General Walpole expressed his disapprobation of the measure. He thought it entirely unnecessary, and that its only ef fect would be to increase the influence of the crown, and to destroy what remained of the constitution, by rendering the country altogether a military one. No such institution existed when the military fame of this country was at the highest, and when the duke of Marlborough conducted the British army to victory. In his opinion, it would be a much more becoming plan for ministers to give up the influence which accrued to them from the disposal of promotions in the army, and to advance officers solely on the ground of merit and services. Colonel Wood allowed that the military glory of this country had been raised to the greatest height at different periods, when such an institution had no existence But now it was an armed nation with which we had to contend. He therefore would give the measure his support. Mr. Whitbread objected also to the measure, on the ground that it would vest too much power and influence in the commander in chief. Mr. Grey said, that gentlemen appeared to him to support the measure on a very partial principle. They argued for the utility of the institution, without adverting to the evils which must result from it. They had assumed its utility which he could not allow. The hon. gentleman has allowed the former glory of the army of this country when no such institution existed; but he has stated, that the power, skill, ambition and dangerous principles of the enemy require new means of security. Great as may be the discipline, courage and skill of the French army, I deny that they are greater than those of an army of the same nation formed under a Condé and Turenne, and commanded by a Villars, a Cattinat, and a Berwick. Is it, then the power of France which now gives this alarm ? I allow that the power of that country has, by late events, been much augmented: but it is not greater than it was when the duke of Marlborough frustrated the ambitious views of Louis 14th. Is it, then, that the views of France against this country are of a more alarming nature than formerly? Perhaps, it will be said, that now that country aims at the destruction of our liberties and the overthrow of our religion. In reply, I would ask, what was the object most eagerly cherished and pursued by Louis 14? Was it not the establishment of arbitrary power and popery in this country, by restoring James the 2nd to its throne? In every respect France appears to my mind to have been as formidable to this But then it was country as she is now. never thought of meeting the danger by having recourse to such a measure as the present; then the defence of the country was left to rest on the independent spirit, the courage, and the zeal of the country itself. Let them now be left to rest on the same foundation, and the result will not be changed. Leave to the people their liberties, and there is no fear of their wanting the spirit to defend them. This is a more secure defence than military science, or skill in military tactics. But even for the improvement of officers in military science, I contend, that the present measure would not have such an effect as the emulation of individuals would have, were that encouraged, by a security being given for the reward of merit. If other professions are looked to, there is to be found no deficiency in skill, because the most meritorious is sure of receiving the greatest reward and encouragement. My main objection to the proposed mea sure, however, is founded on the danger to the constitution, with which it is preg nant; for I think that this measure as forming a part of a system, gives ground for strong suspicion that it is wished to render this a military country. The resolution was then agreed to. East India Budget.] June 12. The House having resolved itself into a Com mittee on the affairs of India, Mr. Dundas rose and said:-A period of seventeen years has nearly elapsed, since the control over the affairs of the East India Company was placed in a Board of Commissioners. During the first eight years, the financial system re lating to India only was the immediate object of annual investigation before par liament. On the renewal of the charter, in the year 1793, it was specially enacted, that the accounts, both foreign and home, should be brought under the same review. From the earliest period it has been my direct line of duty to attend particularly to the state of the finances, and to bring it forward, from time to time, for the consideration of the House. Of course, it has constantly been an object of my greatest solicitude, that every possible information should be regularly furnished on so important a branch of the British interests. I cannot, therefore, more satis factorily wind up this part of my official duty, than by the opportunity which now presents itself, of submitting a compre hensive and distinct view of the financial affairs, and fulfilling a promise made in the last year, to give some more extensive information as to the situation of the company in other essential relations. It is not my intention, in this place, to enter upon a recapitulation of past events, farther than as relating to a compliance with the directions of parliament with regard to the production of accounts. On this head, I must beg leave to observe, that, on the part of the court of directors, the most uniform attention has been implicitly paid to the prescriptions of the act. When omissions have occurred, it has been in consequence of disappointments in the receipts of the accounts from abroad; but whether those disappointments were occasioned by accident or other causes, measures were constantly adopted to prevent their recurrence, if possible. The success of those measures has been repeatedly manifested, but particularly in the last and in the present year. In the last year, the lapse of a few weeks only happened, and the accounts, in due order of date, were presented within the session. On the present occasion, the orders from home have met with the most prompt obedience by the several governments in India, whose energy and attention ensured the diligence of the subordinate departments; so that, with very small exception, the whole mass of documents, requisite to the customary investigation of this vast concern, has been received; and, but for the accidental detention of the ships, the statements would have been laid before the House precisely at the prescribed time. That period, has, however, only been exceeded a few days. The accounts upon the table comprise recent information of the financial transactions of the company during the follow ing periods. Those which may be termed foreign, for the year 1799-1800, with estimates for the year 1800-1801: the home for the year 1800-1801, with an estimate for the following year. Having closely looked into the detail of them respectively, I have great pleasure in repeating the observation often formerly made, that they remarkably exhibit the precision and accuracy which have always been conspicuous in the departments where they are prepared. The arrangement which I now propose will be exactly in the order prac. tised for several years, as it appears best calculated to give the most distinct and clear idea of the whole concern in every [VOL. XXXV.] point of view. It is as follows:-As to India, the average of the revenues of each presidency, compared with the average last drawn ;-the actual accounts of the revenues and charges in the year, contrasted with the estimates ;-the estimates for the next year; and, in both instances, a general result of the whole, in order to show the surplus or the deficiency of the receipts. The produce of the sale of imports from Europe will then be stated, when the amount forthcoming, as applicable to the purposes of commerce, will be ascertained. The sum actually applied to those purposes will next be shown; and the value of the cargoes actually shipped, with the charges incidental thereto. A comparison will then be made between the amount of the debts and assets, as stated in these accounts, and as stated in those of the last year. As to the home accounts: the state of the trade, as shown by the account of sales, will be considered;-the actual receipt and expenditure of the year will be compared with the estimate, and the estimate of the following year noticed ;-and lastly, the debts and assets, in like manner with those of India. The principal object in tended by this investigation, in a financial view, is to discover the real state of the whole concern at the conclusion of the year, or the effect produced upon it by the complicated transactions of govern ment and commerce during the course of the year. This will be obtained under the order above proposed, by stating a combined view of the increase or decrease of the debts and assets both abroad and at home. It will be my endeavour, in the pursuit of the plan thus laid down, to afford such explanations as may appear requisite to the complete elucidation of the whole of the accounts, and to the removal of every appearance of intricacy: and having accomplished this detail, I shall finally request the attention of the committee to some further observations, partly suggested from the investigation of the statements, but chiefly designed to afford that species of information which I have given reason to expect, as to the general situation of the affairs of the company, in their most important relations. BENGAL The revenues and charges of the presidency of Bengal first claim the attention of the committee. They are stated in the accounts Nos. 1, 2, and 2. That numbered 1, shows the annual re[5 A1 |