strikers, but for all of the employes of the Steel Corporation, so that it will eventually benefit directly nearly 300,000 men.

"Neither the strike at the Republic plant nor at that of the Youngstown Sheet and Tube plant was instigated or in any way directly brought about by the American Federation of Labor, although the campaign begun three years ago by the American Federation of Labor with the object of reaching the unskilled and helpless steel workers with the message of organization undoubtedly had considerable influence.

"After the strike began at the Republic plant, organizers for the Federation were sent to Youngstown and formed local unions, including a federal union of unskilled workers with one thousand members. Officials of the Republic Company met with committees elected by these unions, and when the strike was settled, they promised not to discriminate against union men. Thus, there now exists in the Republic plant the nucleus of a strong organization.

"In striking contrast with the death and destruction that accompanied the strike at the Sheet and Tube Company's plant, was the orderly and peaceful progress of the strike of the employes of the Republic plant. At the former plant, organizers for the American Federation of Labor were prevented from hiring a hall and addressing the strikers on the day of the riot, in order to counsel moderation and orderly conduct. "Prosecuting Attorney Henderson of Youngstown declared publicly after his investigation that organized labor had nothing to do with the strike and riot at this plant, although its representatives did try in vain to reach the strikers with restraining influence."

Within a few months of the Eastland horror in the Chicago River, with the Titanic, the Volturno, and Empress of Ireland tragedies of greed still fresh in the minds of the world, the shipping trust is already battering at Andrew Furuseth's Able Seamen's Act for safety at sea and fairness to American seamen.

Two bills in Congress to nullify the Seamen's Act have been introduced. One is in the Senate by Senator Gallinger of New Hampshire, the other is in the House by Representative Humphrey of Washington.

The whole labor movement is directly interested in protecting the Seamen's Act. Andrew Furuseth's success, with the especial help of Senator LaFollette, after twentwo-years of fighting, will, if left alone, restore another great employment to American workingmen, restore American ships to the seas, relieve the seamen's occupation from Oriental domination, and lessen the competition in land work in American coast cities.

The two bills in Congress are dangerous, but the worst danger that threatens the Seamen's Act is the danger from what has been called "limiting and softening"

the enforcement of the law under the rule of the Department of Commerce.

The pressure for the repeal of the Seamen's act, or for its defeat by non-enforcement, is enormous. The concentrated wealth of the shipping interests of the world is back of the efforts to keep American seamen underpaid slaves, to drive them from the seas, and to recruit the sailors of all vessels of all nationalities from cheap Oriental labor and from the helpless, hopeless outcasts of the capitals of Europe and America.

American shipping interests have from 300 to 400 million dollars invested in vessels flying foreign flags. Their interests are tied up with the federated shipping interests of all the world on all the seven seas.

These shipping interests fight the Seamen's Act because: (1) it makes the seaman a free man, free to quit his vessel in a port of call, as any other worker can quit his job; (2) it gives the seaman a right to receive half his wages if he quits, so that his individual liberty of action becomes real economic liberty; (3) it raises the standard of efficiency, provides that from 40 to 65 per cent of all crews must have had three years' experience as sailors, and requires 75 per cent of the deck crews to understand the language of the ship's officers; (4) it abolishes the present real crime by which the police power of the United States is now employed in every American port to hunt down the seamen of foreign vessels and force them back into involuntary servitude; (5) it increases the equipment for safety to passengers on all boats, and (6) because all these provisions, applying to all vessels, American or foreign, that touch an American port, will eventually raise the wages of all seamen, not only on American vessels, but throughout the shipping trade of the world.

Most powerful interests, the combined shipping wealth throughout the world, are now assailing and trying to undermine the Seamen's Act. Will the people of the United States stand for it? Will labor in the United States stand for it?

Military training as a means of disciplining the workers and making them more useful to the corporations is the latest idea put forward by the National City (Rockefeller) Bank in the publications with which it is flooding the country.

This is the bank whose president, F. A. Vanderlip, has organized a fifty million dollar corporation to exploit foreign markets and the natural resources of foreign lands.

The Committee on Industrial Relations already has called attention to the campaign of the Rockefeller bank for unrestricted immigration and low wages, in order that American employers may undersell foreign competitors in foreign markets

and so establish a commercial world empire.

In the issue of "The American," just published by the bank, appears a leading article urging a "super-organization of industry," under private control, as the best means of coping with European competition. The bank says:

"It is hardly necessary for anybody to advise that something of the idea of the German super-organization of industry ought to be attempted here since it seems to be coming along naturally. There appears to be a more liberal disposition, both official and popular, toward co-operation in business activities today than during the time when discipline and tribulation for corporations was the indiscriminate order of the day. The Federal Trade Commission has just entered upon a gigantic questionnaire of business men all over the country regarding permissible combination in foreign trade. The commission's attitude is friendly. Manufacturers in several lines are so confident of full liberty to co-ordinate their efforts in going after export business that they are establishing formal selling combinations for the purpose."

But part of the Wall Street scheme for a "super-organization of industry" is its insistence on low labor costs. The worker and producer are not to share in the benefits. They must be "reasonable," and get their reward in the knowledge that American business is supreme. Incidentally they must support a huge army and navy to protect foreign investments.

That the Rockefeller interests and the Morgan interests are working hand in hand in their campaign for foreign exploitation, is shown by the Gary dinner to Theodore Roosevelt, at which, according to "Holland," the well-known financial writer, foreign trade was principally discussed. It is shown also by the assertion of George W. Perkins that the industry of this country must be Germanized in order to compete in the markets of the world.

The flaw in the Rockefeller-Morgan plan is its ignoring of the producer. He is not to share in the benefits. Instead, labor costs are to be kept low, and therefore immigration is to be encouraged.

Here is the Bank's new argument for a big army and navy:

"A basic element in the industrial organization of any country is, of course, the individual efficiency of workmen.

Dr. Carl Helfferich, who has had charge of the financing of Germany since the war and is one of the leaders in shaping its coming industrial policy, was a strong believer in universal military training and service, not only for military purposes, but because, as he said, the military training had contributed very importantly to effective discipline in the high organization of German industry. * * *

"Military service, for labor, may be analogous to higher education and technical courses for business administration."

So, if the Rockefeller-Morgan interests have their way, the boys of the American farmer and wage earner will be sent to military posts to remain long enough to get the habit of following orders without thought or question. They are to be transformed from independent, free human beings into parts of a great machine for the advancement of the interests of the great financial interests that are to conquer the world's markets. And don't forget that LABOR COSTS MUST BE KEPT LOW.

The Committee on Industrial Relations has asked Congress for the printing of 200,000 copies of the final report of the United States Commission on Industrial Relations and 10,000 copies of the testimony taken at public hearings.

The letter is signed by Basil M. Manly, who was director of the federal commission and is now director of the Committee on Industrial Relations.

In making public the letter, Mr. Manly pointed out that the entire cost of printing the reports will be less than that of one fourteen-inch gun. The letter follows:

Dear Sir:-Inclosed is a brief statement showing the purposes of this committee.

As you will note by this statement, our first task will be to urge upon Congress the publication of the reports and testimony of the Commission on Industrial Relations in such editions as will place this material at the disposal of every citizen who is interested in the vital problems of industrial relations.

The commission's final appropriation from Congress was to include the cost of printing reports. This mandate of Congress was fulfilled by the commission.

By

In order to reserve funds for this purpose, it became necessary to curtail several very important investigations and to cancel public hearings which had been scheduled for Boston, Atlanta and Pittsburgh. thus curtailing or canceling some of its more important investigations, the commission was able to finance the publication of 10,000 copies of a volume containing the report of Mr. Basil M. Manly, director of research and investigation, in which he summarized the testimony and reports of the staff, and the reports of the majority and minority members of the commission, and 6,000 copies each of the report of Mr. George P. West on the Colorado strike and the report of Mr. Luke Grant on the International Association of Bridge and Structural Iron Workers and the National Erectors' Association.

The edition of the final report published by the commission was exhausted at once by the necessity of sending copies to members of Congress, public libraries, witnesses, editors, public officials, and to several thousand persons who had written to the commission prior to its expiration on August 23 asking that their names be placed on the mailing list. Since August 23 many thousand of requests for copies have been re

ceived by members of Congress, the superintendent of public documents, and members of the commission. An attempt is now being made to assemble these requests, in order to furnish you with a close estimate of the number of those who have written letters or postcards asking for copies of the report. This great number of requests was received in spite of the efforts of the commission to notify the interested public that no more copies of the report were available. Trade and labor newspapers announced before September 1 that the edition had been exhausted. If this fact had not been common knowledge the number of requests received would have been many times as great.

In addition to the reports the commission submitted to Congress the equivalent of 7,300 printed pages of testimony taken at the public hearings which were held in the larger cities and industrial centers from coast to coast.

This testimony is of the very greatest immediate and historic value. It constitutes a picture of the social and industrial life of our nation more true, more vivid, and more complete than was ever before placed at the disposal of a generation to enable it to come to a correct solution of its social and industrial problems. The hearings occupied in all 154 days, or more than the equivalent of six months of the commission's time. One or more hearings were held in each of the following cities: Washington, New York, Paterson, Philadelphia, Boston, Chicago, Lead, S. D., Butte, Seattle, Portland, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Denver and Dallas. Witnesses were by no means limited to these communities, but in every case the best informed persons were brought to the centers at which the hearings were held. Of the 740 witnesses who appeared before the commission, 230 were employers, managers, foremen, representatives of employers' organizations, attorneys for employers, efficiency engineers, employment agents, or capitalists, bankers or directors. Of those affiliated with labor there were 245, including trade union officials, working men and women, attorneys, Industrial Workers of the World, and representatives of the Socialist party. Another group of witnesses, numbering 265, were not affiliated with either the employing or the labor group. These included agriculturists, attorneys, public officials, educators, economists, sociologists, investigators, representatives of the press, clergymen and physicians.

taken into account in any effort to understand industrial problems and to improve industrial relations. The commission disregarded at all times the paralyzing formalism of conventional court procedure, and by encouraging the frankest expression, obtained a record such as never before has been made available for students, legislators and citizens generally.

The American Federation of Labor through the report of its executive council, which was unanimously adopted by the convention in San Francisco, had the following to say in regard to the value of the commission's hearings:

"The commission worked upon the theory that industrial problems can only be solved by arousing the will and conscience of the American people, and conducted their public hearings in conformity with this policy. They proceeded upon the theory that not only their final report and their written declarations would be helpful in accomplishing the task assigned them, but that the most powerful influence would be exerted by enabling those individuals that had firsthand information to get their stories to the American people. This policy caused criticism from some sources because it was not molded upon judicial procedure, but the chairman as well as the members of the commission knew that judicial ethics and judicial precedents have thus far failed to establish industrial justice, and they knew that they had to do away with all formalism in order to get at the heart of the matter. The hearings that have been held in various parts of the country have been of tremendous human interest. They have revealed the daily lives of the people of all walks of life and their relations with their fellow men. The testimony given in these hearings carIried with it the conviction of actual experiences and existing misery."

The American Federation of Labor and thousands of local unions throughout the country have adopted resolutions asking that Congress order the printing of the full testimony and reports.

Many employers have added their voice to those of the enormous group of wage earners, professional men, economists and students who have asked in vain for copies of the reports and the transcript of testimony, and who look to Congress to supply the demand.

The committee has prepared estimates showing that all of the reports and all of the testimony of the Commission can be printed at an expense greatly below that incurred in printing the reports of other Federal Commissions that have reported to Congress in recent years.

The publications of the Commission which it is believed Congress should order would include: Final report Testimony Colorado report.

Total

450 pages .7300 pages 250 pages

.8000 pages

The report of the Industrial Commission of 1901 consisted of nineteen volumes containing 14,377 pages.

The report of the Immigration Commission of 1909 consisted of forty-two volumes containing 28,489 pages.

The report of the Monetary Commission of 1912 consisted of forty-seven volumes containing 13,028 pages.

This Committee respectfully submits that none of the subjects treated by these Commissions touched the vital interests of the people as closely as does that of industrial relations.

After carefully estimating the demand we feel justified in urging that Congress authorize an edition of 200,000 copies of the final report of the Commission, and the Colorado report with the Rockefeller correspondence attached. This correspondence is of the very greatest interest and importance because it sheds light on the question of directors and stockholders' responsibility for labor conditions in great industrial corporations. It was not included in the edition of the Colorado report published by the Commission, and unless Congress orders it printed it will not be available to the public. The final report of Mr. Manly as director, and of the various Commissioners, occupies 450 pages. The Colorado report with the Rockefeller correspondence attached will occupy 250 pages. We are therefore asking for 200,000 copies of a volume containing only 700 pages.

No such edition of the testimony taken by the Commission will be required. We have estimated that this testimony in printed form can be supplied to the public 11braries, chambers of commerce, trade union reading rooms and colleges, and through them made available to the public, by printing 10,000 copies. We accordingly respectfully urge that Congress order the publication of this number.

The constant endeavor of the Commission during its existence was to share with the people all the information and the enlightenment which came to the Commission itself in the course of its hearings and investigations. To a large extent the Com; mission succeeded in this endeavor through the co-operation of the press. But much of the value of the work will be utterly lost unless the reports and testimony are made available for ready reference to publicists, students, legislators, public officials and interested citizens.

No question now claiming your consideration is of such vital importance as the question of what constitutes the right relations between those who toil in field and factory and those who own and manage industry. The future peace and well being of the nation depend on a proper working out of our industrial problem. In a democracy such as ours that problem can be worked out in only one way-through the will and conscience of the people. That will and

conscience must in turn be founded on a full understanding of all the facts. Therefore, in asking that the material gathered by the Commission be placed at the public's disposal, we ask that you take that action which, more than any other which is open to you, will make for a solution of our most pressing problem.

When it became apparent prior to August 23 that the entire edition of 10,000 copies of the final report printed by the Commission would be exhausted at once, the Chairman of the Commission ordered that 600 copies of the report be reserved for the use of members of Congress who might mislay the copies that were mailed to them. These 600 copies are now in the custody of Mr. Walsh, and a copy will be furnished you if you address this office.

Respectfully yours,

BASIL M. MANLY, Director.

THE ROYAL BROOD OF EUROPE.

The Crowned Rulers and Their "Devine" Relationship.

A correspondent recently wrote, asking for particulars of the relationships of the European royalties. The German Kaiser, the British King, the Russian Czar, and the Greek and Danish Kings are all first cousins. The Czar has a German wife, who is a granddaughter of Queen Victoria and, therefore, cousin of King George. The Queen of Rumania is a first cousin of King George and also of the Czar and of the reigning Duke of Saxe-Coburg Gotha, who succeeded his uncle (the erstwhile Duke of Edinburgh), father of the Rumanian Queen. There was much adverse comment when the Duke of Edinburg renounced his allegiance to Britain and swore the oath of fealty to the Kaiser on becoming Duke of SaxeCoburg-Gotha. The Queen of Montenegro is a distant cousin of the Empress of Germany, and the Queen of Greece is the Kaiser's sister. Italy and Servia are the only reigning houses which are in no way related to any of the others. The manner in which King Peter secured his throne is too well known to need comment. The interesting feature of the particulars given below is the fact that with the exceptions named there is German blood in every European royal household:

How They Are Related. Germany.-William II, son of Frederick of Germany and Victoria (Princess Royal of England).

England.-George V, son of Edward VII and Alexandra of Denmark, daughter of Christian IX.

Russia. Nicholas II, son of Alexander III and Dagmar of Denmark (sister of Queen Alexandra).

Greece. Constantine, son of George, son

of Christian IX of Denmark; married Princess Sophia, sister of Kaiser.

Denmark.-Christian X, son of Frederick VII, son of Christian IX. (These five monarchs are all first cousins):

Spain. Alphonso, connected through his mother with Emperor of Austria; married to Victoria of Battenburg, niece of King George and daughter of Princess Beatrice, who is Queen Victoria's daughter, first cousin to the Kaiser.

Italy.-Victor Emanuel III, son of King Humbert; married Helen of Montenegro. Austria.-Emperor Franz Joseph.

Belgium.-Albert, great-nephew of Leopold I of Saxe-Coburg, elected King of Belgium, uncle of Queen Victoria; married to Elizabeth, daughter of Duke Theodore of Bavaria, a vassal of Austria.

Holland.-Wilhelmina,

married Prince Henry of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, cousin of Empress of Germany.

Norway.-Haakon, son of Frederick, King of Denmark; brother of King Christian X; married to Maud, sister of King George V of England.

Rumania. Ferdinand I, son of Leopold, Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, married Marie, daughter of Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha (Duke of Edinburgh)-whose daughter is Russian aunt of the Czar.

Bulgaria. Ferdinand I, son of Duke Augustus of Saxe-Coburg; elected King, 1887; married Eleanor, daughter of Prince ReussKostritz.

Servia.-Peter I (Serbian family), married Zorka, Princess of Montenegro.

Saxe-Coburg-Gotha-Charles, Duke of; son of Leopold, Duke of Albany, grandson of Queen Victoria, first cousin of King of Eng. land and the Kaiser.

Montenegro.-Nicholas I, married Jutta, Princess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz.

Sweden. Gustave V, married Princess Victoria of Baden, first cousin of the Kaiser; has son, Gustavus Adolphus, married to Princess Margaret of Connaught, granddaughter of Queen Victoria, and first cousin of King George V.-St. Louis Labor.

AND YET WE WONDER AT CRIME? (By A. A. Graham, Topeka, Kas.) railroad "I was discharged by the about four years ago for the violation of one of the operating rules. No damage of any kind was done. Since then I have been all over the United States working wherever I could pick up a job, but never thirty days at any one place. I have made out numerous applications for employment, but just as soon as the road discharging me reports to my new employer I am out. I have just about completed the rounds. I am worn out. My chance to live in the world has been taken away. I have a wife and five children I cannot support. I never did anything but railroad, and I can not succeed at anything else. I see nothing ahead. I am desperate."

This is the story told me recently. I had often heard it before in almost the same words. Every railroad man has heard it. Many railroad men have experienced it.

"What can I do" is the question he asked me. I could not answer it. I repeat this question to every railroad man to answer. Tell me!

This man never got even a reprimand before. He never cost his company a cent. He was an exemplary employe. He failed once, just once, like air brakes some times. For this all railroads have outlawed him on information furnished by his first employer. And yet they say they have no black list!

He, his wife and five children are suffering in want, cold and hunger; but prayers for forgiveness, for mercy, for bread fall on deaf ears and stony hearts. We are taught loving, kindness and forgiveness ninety and nine times; but no, not here.

God forgives as often as we choose to wilfully sin and humbly repent; a railroad never forgives for just one thoughtless neglect, no matter how contrite the repentance, but sends a man to hell for one mistake, and makes him drag his wife and children with him!

What crime can such a man commit? None, I assume.

Fraternal Delegate E. Bevin: Mr. Chairman and Fellow Trade Unionists-I, too, want to endorse the remarks of my colleague in thanking the good people of America for your kindness to us since we landed in New York. We were rather elusive in arriving, and our letters arrived after us, due to the war; but still, since we have been in your country we have been surprised at the many kindnesses that have been shown us as we traveled across your continent. It is rather curious to note that it

was my colleague of the same union who addressed you in San Francisco the last time your convention was here, my friend James Wignall.

On this occasion we find ourselves in a rather difficult situation. If we tear the mask away I am confident that every man and woman in this hall would like to hear all about the war. I know from the conversations with you privately that everybody is anxious to know the exact economic situation arising out of the great European