scope of his policy," yet no reparation has been made or offered, for many outrages, indignities, and insults he has inflicted on our government, nor for the unnumbered millions of which he has plundered our citizens. And when we consider the course of policy pursued by our rulers, in their external relations and commercial restrictions, from the prohibition of our trade to St. Domingo, to the declaration of war against Great Britain-that the course often received his open approbation, and was not unfrequently conformable to the system which he himself had adoptedwhen we consider also, the mysterious secrecy which has veiled the correspondence of the two governments from our view-and, above all, when we consider, that in many instances, the most important measures of our government have been anticipated, in Paris, long before they were known to the American people, we cannot conceal our anxiety and alarm for the honour and independence of our country. And we most fervently pray, that the sacrifices we have already made, like the early concessions of Spain and Portugal, of Prussia and Sweden, may not be the preludes to new demands and new concessions; and that we may be preserved from all political connexion with the common enemy of civil liberty.

To the constituted authorities of our country, we have now stated our opinions, and made known our complaints-opinions the result of deliberate reflection, and complaints "wrung from us by the tortures of that cruel policy" which has brought the good people of the commonwealth to the verge of ruin. A policy which has anniVOL. LV.

hilated the commerce so essential to their prosperity-increased their burdens, whilst it has diminished their means of support-provided for the establishment of an immense standing army, dangerous to their liberties, and irreconcileable with the genius of their constitution-destroyed their just and constitutional weight in the general government-and, by involving them in a disastrous war, has placed in the power of the enemy, the controul of the fisheries; a treasure of more value to the country than all the territories for which we are contending, and which furnished the only means of subsistence to thousands of our citizens-the greater nursery of our seamen—' and the right to which can never be abandoned by New England.

Under such circumstances, silence towards the government would be treachery to the public. In making this solemn representation of our sufferings and our dangers, we have been influenced only by the duty which we owe to our constituents and our country, to our consciences, and the memory of our fathers. And to the Searcher of all hearts, we appeal, for the purity of our motives, and the sincerity of our declarations.

Far from wishing to embarrass the administration in any of their negociations for peace, we cannot but express our regret that they should not have evinced a sincere desire for this great object, by accepting some of the repeated overtures made by the enemy, for the suspension of hostilities.-And permit us, in conclusion, most earnestly to request, that measures may immediately be adopted, to stay the sword of the destroyer, 2 E

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and to prevent the further effusion of human blood; that our invading armies may be forthwith recalled within our own territories; and that every effort of our rulers may be speedily directed to the attainment of a just and honourable peace; that mutual confidence and commercial prosperity may be again restored to our distracted and suffering country; and that by an upright and faithful administration of our government, in the true spirit of the constitution, its blessings may be equally diffused to every portion of the Union.

In the House of Representatives, June 14, 1813, read and accepted. Sent up for concurrence.

TIMOTHY PIGLOw, Speaker. In Senate, June 15, 1813, read and concurred.

JOHN PHILIPS, President.

Copenhagen, June 5.

The Gazette of this day contains the following article:

On the 31st ult. an English naval officer, who arrived in the road in a flag of truce, delivered a letter from Mr. Thornton, the English Envoy at the Court of Sweden, and from the English General Hope, together with another from the Swedish Chancellor, Baron Wetterstedt, both dated on board the English man-of-war, Defiance, Admiral Hope, in Koge Bay. It was at the same time stated, that the Russian General, Baron Von Sucktelen, was on board the same vessel, in order to participate in the negociations for peace, proposed, on the part of England, in the above-mentioned letter, and for which purpose the said Envoy and

General declared themselves to be provided with full powers, as was also the Swedish Chancellor, to treat with regard to the doubtful relations now subsisting between Denmark and Sweden. After what has already been communicated to the public upon this subject, his Majesty's faithful subjects in both kingdoms, and in the duchies, will not be surprised that the Crown Prince of Sweden, in the name of his Swedish Majesty, should represent it as a proof of moderation and disinterestedness, that there is now demanded, on the part of Sweden, the cession only of the diocese of Drontheim, with the territory lying between it and the Russian frontier. They will herein perceive only another proof of those scandalous and oppressive demands, which have lately exposed the inhabitants of Norway to the depri vation of that peaceful condition which prevails among them, and which accords with their common welfare. They will find it no less incompatible with their sentiments, and the national feeling, that a demand was, at the same time, made, that 25,000 Danish troops should be placed under the command of the Swedish Crown Prince, to be employed in conjunction with those of Sweden and other powers, in the North of Germany, against France. Upon this basis have the English plenipotentiaries proposed a negociation for the re-establish ment of peace with Great Britain; at the same time, pointedly observ ing, that there can be no cessation of hostilities, for the benefit of navigation, unless the royal troops fa Jutland and Holstein are previously placed at the disposal of the Swes dish Crown Prince. Upon the conclusion

conclusion of peace, the colonies are to be restored, but rot the island of Heligoland; nor is there to be any indemnification for the loss of the fleet. Every inhabitant of these kingdoms and countries may be assured, that these propositions were by his Majesty's command, answered in a manner corresponding to the dignity of the Crown, and the known interests of his States. The flag of truce returned from this place in the afternoon of the 2d inst. It was ordered to wait only forty-eight hours for

an answer.

His Majesty, deeply afflicted at the scarcity which inevitably resulted from a prolonged defensive war, which interrupted the corn trade, and obstructed the communication between Denmark and Norway, had, as is already known, made proposals of peace to the government of Great Britain; but the person who was authorised to deliver them, could not obtain a hearing. To the proposals which, with the same view, were transmitted through the medium of the English Envoy in Stockholm, for the information of his government, no reasonable objection can be made, as they claimed the restitution of all that had been taken from his Majesty, in consequence of the unexpected rupture; or an indemnification for the same, and to guarantee to his Majesty the possession of his States. When two governments, after the breaking out of a war, unite again, in order to conclude peace, nothing is more usual than to demand indemnifications; but such demands are not to be constituted indispensaule preliminaries, without which

negociations are not even to take place.

It will, on the other hand, be remarked, that the proposals for peace and reconciliation, just made by the agents of the English government and the Swedish Chancellor, are entirely dependent upon such preliminaries as have no justification whatever in the events of the war in which Denmark has been involved with England. Both the above-mentioned governments endeavour to give their demands a colour of justice, whilst they, on the contrary, refer to engagements entered into among themselves, by which the kingdom of Norway is destined to become subject to Sweden; as if any obligation upon his Majesty could thence be derived to fulfil what had been stipulated between his Majesty's enemies, and a neighbouring power, whose ruler endeavours to separate the two kingdoms from each other, whilst he in the mean time subjugates Norway.

It is the King's unalterable determination to maintain the union of his kingdoms.

Fellow Countrymen! we will support his Majesty's incessant exertions for the independence and, welfare of the country! We will with him encounter every danger, and our banner shall be God and a just cause.'

Almost insuperable obstructions have been thrown in the way of the corn trade to Norway, with the view of weakening the courage of the brave Norwegians, by the cries of their wives and children for bread,-by the want of food for their necessary subsistence. These are the weapons that have been employed

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