78

FRENCH HYPOCRISY.

2

[Book I. one, and that whatever he had learned about the British force at Alexandria and elsewhere was for his own amusement, and not at the bidding of the government; and it was this same Talleyrand who had, a few weeks before, sent that letter to Fauvelet in Dublin which we have mentioned as having been intercepted during the progress of Emmett's conspiracy. For some time, Napoleon's temper had been growing so fierce that his servants stood in dread of him; and foreigners who visited him thought him actually mad.1 His conduct on this occasion was more like that of Paul of Russia than that of his own wily Minister, who thought to have given him his cue. Andréossi, in London, talked like Talleyrand; gave the same account of Sebastiani's Report; declared that France could not go to war; that her army were half Jacobins; that the nation would not have war; and that Napoleon's objects were purely commercial. Andréossi said these things in London on the 23d of February, little imagining what shame his master had been casting on such hypocrisy five days before in Paris, by means of a fit of passion. He sent for Lord Whitworth to wait on him at nine in the morning of the 18th; made him sit down; and then poured out his wrath "in the style of an Italian bully," as the record has it: and the term is not too strong; for he would not allow Lord Whitworth to speak. The first impression was, that it was his design to terrify England; but Talleyrand's anxiety to smooth matters afterwards, and to explain away what his master had said, show that the ebullition was one of mere temper. And this was presently confirmed by his behavior to Lord Whitworth at a levee, when the saloon was crowded with foreign ambassadors and their suites, as well as with French courtiers. The whole scene was set forth in the newspapers of every country. Napoleon walked about, transported with passion; asked Lord Whitworth if he did not know that a terrible storm had arisen between the two governments; declared that England was a violator of treaties; took to witness the foreigners present that if England did not immediately surrender Malta, war was declared; and condescended to appeal to them whether the right was not on his side; and, when Lord Whitworth would have replied, silenced him by a gesture, and observed that, Lady Whitworth being out of health, her native air would be of service to her; and she should have it, sooner than she expected. After this, there could be little King's Mes- hope of peace in the most sanguine mind; and the King's message to parliament on the 8th of March (unknown to Napoleon when he thus committed himself) told the natives what to expect. France had in February resolved "to

sage.

3

1 Malmesbury Diaries, iv. p. 207. 8 Ibid. p.

222.

2 Ibid. p. 221.

4 Annual Register, 1803, p. 376.

CHAP. IV.]

NEGOTIATION WITH MR. PITT.

79

keep on foot 500,000 men, to undertake its defence, and avenge its injuries." On this 8th of March, the King of England informed his parliament,1 that, though all hope of peace was not relinquished, the armaments going on in the ports of France and Holland must be taken as suggestions of preparations for defence in Great Britain. It afterwards became clear that these armaments were really what they pretended to be designed for action in the West Indies for the reduction of St. Domingo; but there were grounds enough for proceeding to arm, without this ; and the response of parliament to the King's suggestions was as hearty as he could desire. They voted an addition of 10,000 to the naval force of the country, and the calling out of the militia.

Interval.

For some weeks after this, there seemed to be a lull. Napoleon was believed to have given orders to his agents to temporize, to gain time, while it appears to be established that he repeatedly said to those about him that so many factions were opposed to him that there was no chance of internal peace but by making war with England. The English public grew discontented with the slowness of the Ministry. The blame was laid on Lord Hawkesbury's feebleness; and the King sent for Mr. Addington to complain of Lord Hawkesbury's delays, and of his inattention in not duly reporting progress to his sovereign. More was doing, however, than the world was aware of. Negotiations were offered for Mr. Pitt's return to power. Pitt's friends grew more restless every day in the prospect of a war, to be conducted by an incapable Ministry; and it is evident that Mr. Addington, with all his complacency, was uneasy under Pitt's silence, and absence at Bath, and obvious slackening of support. It was clearly Addington who made the first move. For some weeks, Pitt appeared to his friends with Mr. mysterious, unaccountable, and distressingly reserved. He was, in fact, resolved not to be indiscreet this time; but to leave all that he could (and disclosure among the rest) to the King. The negotiation failed because Mr. Pitt considered the talents of the Grenvilles indispensable to the service of the country, at such a time; and the existing Ministry would not hear of admitting them. Pitt and Addington were separated further than before by this business. Their accounts of what took place do not agree; and certainly, the inclination of those who read or heard the respective narratives was to trust Mr. Pitt's clearness of head and accuracy of statement, rather than Mr. Addington's. They could not, for instance, in the face of Mr. Pitt's whole conduct during the winter, credit Mr. Adding

3

1 Annual Register, 1803, p. 646.

3 Ibid. pp. 181, 187.

Negotiation

Pitt.

2 Malmesbury Diaries, iv. p. 248.

80

NAVAL PREPARATIONS.

1

[Book I. ton's opening assertion, that the first move was Mr. Pitt's. From the King's extraordinary notions of Mr. Pitt's insolence in regard to himself as well as others, it appears that Mr. Addington had prejudiced the mind of his sovereign. No one, indeed, should be held responsible for the extravagances of that infirm mind; but it is evident that in reporting Mr. Pitt's wish to introduce the Grenvilles, the Minister had so told the story as to make the King fancy Mr. Pitt a dangerous liberal. The King charged him with wanting to put the crown in commission; and with "carrying his plan of removals so extremely far and so high, that it might reach him." When Mr. Addington was compelled by pressure from Mr. Pitt's friends to lay the letters before the King, he appears to have done that in his own way too; for the King told Lord Pelham, "I have now got the written documents; but I will not read them, nor even take any notice of them." It was no great punishment to any reasonable man to be spared from serving such a master; but it was a serious matter to the country to be in the hands of his small-minded and smooth Minister: and some statesmen, less unbending than Pitt, lamented that he did not come in under Addington's terms, in full assurance that in a short time he would have everything in his own hands. But Pitt was not the man to do this. The Duke of York thought both parties in the wrong, and lamented that the transaction had placed Pitt further from power than ever; and this lamentation was echoed far and wide, in the alarm of renewed war. The negotiation and explanations continued throughout April; and it was the more easily done for the absence of parliament during the Easter recess.

Naval prep

On the 4th of May, the naval preparations of England were discussed in parliament; and a shock was given to arations. public confidence, at present of such serious importance, by an instance of Mr. Addington's weakness. In December, he had said in parliament that fifty sail of the line could be prepared for sea within one month; and more, if necessary.2 Now, after five months' interval, and two months after the royal summons to make ready, he admitted that the country had only thirty-two ships in commission, not fit for sea; and that when he spoke of fifty, he meant, not that they would be manned and ready for sea, but rigged and fitted out. What the national feeling was from this date, and earlier, about the state of the navy, we shall soon have occasion to see; meantime, it did no service to the Ministry that some of its adherents mocked at the naval force of France, instead of being able to give a good account of

our own.

In the midst of the excitement of this subject, a sudden check 1 Malmesbury Diaries, iv. p. 190. 2 Annual Register, 1803, p. 126.

CHAP. IV.]

A HOAX. - WAR IS DECLARED.

81

to the national apprehension occurred. The morning after this debate, between eight and nine o'clock, a man dressed Hoax on like a government messenger arrived in vast haste at London. the Mansion House, bearing a letter, with a huge seal, addressed to the Lord Mayor of London.1 The seal looked official, and the letter purported to be from Lord Hawkesbury, the Foreign Secretary. It declared that all differences between Great Britain and France were settled, and that the terms of continued peace were decided on. The usual forms of official communications were so exactly preserved that the Lord Mayor never for a moment suspected anything wrong. The news was spread by printed notices posted round the Custom-House, declaring the embargo to be taken off certain ships; the funds rose five per cent.; and the City was uproarious with joy; so that, at last, the news reached the ears of the Ministers. It was about noon when a true messenger arrived to declare the whole a hoax. The people's faces fell; the funds were down immediately; and the Stock Exchange was closed, the Committee resolving that all the transactions of that morning were void. It was a fraud on the Stock Exchange, vexatious enough in every way; but especially impressive by showing how strong was still the popular longing for peace.

In a few days, all was settled. Lord Whitworth left Paris on the 12th of May; and at Dover met General André- war deossi, on his way to Paris. On the 16th, it became clared. publicly known that war was declared; and on the same day Admiral Cornwallis received telegraphic orders which caused him to appear before Brest on the 18th. On the 17th, an Order in Council, directing reprisals, was issued; and with it the procla mation of an embargo being laid on all French and Dutch ships in British ports. The naval bounty of five pounds per man was offered on the same day; and death denounced against every sailor found on board the enemy's fleet. On the next day, May 18th, 1803, the Declaration of War was laid before parliament, and the feverish state, called peace, which had lasted for one year and sixteen days, passed into one of open hostility.

2

Holland.

The reason why the vessels of the Dutch were to be seized with those of the French was that Napoleon had filled Holland with French troops, and was virtually master of the country, giving occasion to the inhabitants to suppose that he intended to annex it to France. English manufactures were strictly prohibited; and the whole force of Dutch soldiery was employed as a Custom-house guard.

An attempt was made to displace the Administration by means of Resolutions brought forward in both Houses of Parliament, 1 Annual Register, 1803, pp. 127, 385. 2 Ibid. p. 388. 8 Ibid. p. 650.

VOL. 1.

6

8

82

Ministers.

THE MINISTRY UNCHANGED.

[BOOK I. alleging concealment from parliament of important information, Position of and disingenuous and weak conduct about the fulfilment of the terms of the treaty. The debates were long and extremely interesting. That in the Commons was rendered exciting by Mr. Pitt's taking part in it, while Mr. Fox and his party retired without voting. Mr. Fox had gone too far in praising Mr. Addington's pacific tendencies to vote censure upon him now, though he could not but agree that much censure was deserved; and Mr. Pitt had been the superintending influence of the Ministry when it was first formed, though he had for some time withdrawn himself visibly from such responsibility. Neither of these statesmen could vote either way upon the condemnatory Resolutions. So Mr. Fox left the House; and Mr. Pitt showed the peril of inducting a set of fresh men at such a crisis, and moved the consideration of the orders of the day. Ministers could not rest under an uncertainty; they pressed for a decision on the Resolutions, and obtained it. Mr. Canning and other friends of Mr. Pitt voted against the Administration; but it was retained in office by a large majority. In truth the way to power was not clear enough, for any man or any party, to justify the displacing, at that moment, of any existing government, on the ground of misconduct which could not now be helped. The thing to be done was to provide for the vigorous prosecution of the war. The King was not backward in showing his humor at this crisis. "The King has two favorites," writes Francis Horner,1 at this time; "two favorites: the War and the Doctor" (Addington). "But the Doctor has at present the preference; and even the war would be given up for him." His majesty was writing sentimental and confused notes to his minister. He received Lord Grenville's sister so rudely at Court, that none of the ladies of that family attended the birthday in June; and he passed Mr. Pitt in the park without notice. Thus Mr. Addington had the whole business to himself; and was now to show how he could govern the country, and conduct the defence of the empire.

for war.

He was not practically opposed about the financial part of his Preparations plans. He brought forward his Budget on the 13th of June. He proposed to raise six millions of wartaxes by increased customs and excise duties; these additional taxes to cease six months after the conclusion of a peace. The Livery of London met to offer generous support, trusting that it might be in some other form than an unequal Income tax; but a modified Property tax was presently imposed. The Common Council of London immediately resolved to raise and equip 800 men. Meetings were held in towns and parishes on every hand, to pass patriotic resolutions, and agree on methods of defence. 1 Memoirs, i. p. 221.