in reference to the foreign policy of the government. One of the most important of these measures was the recognition of the independence of the new republics of Spanish America. The credit of first effectually proposing that measure in the house of representatives is due to Mr. Clay, while speaker of that body; that of choosing the propitious moment when it could be proposed with the unanimous consent of Congress, and the nation, belongs to Mr. Adams. Nor is he entitled to less credit for the successful termination of our differences with Spain. A controversy of thirty years' standing, which had resisted the skill of every preceding administration of the government, was brought to an honorable close. Indemnity was procured for our merchants, and East and West Florida added to our republic. Next to the purchase of Louisiana, the acquisition of Florida may be viewed as one of the most important measures in our history as a nation. Among his reports while secretary of state, may be mentioned that on weights and measures, made to the United States senate in 1821, in conformity with a resolution of that body, passed in 1817. This report is distinguished for its ability and research.

On every important occasion and question that arose during Mr. Monroe's administration, the voice of Mr. Adams was for his country, for mild councils, and for union. In the agitation of the Missouri question, his influence was exerted for conciliation. He believed that by the constitution and the treaty of cession of 1803, Congress was barred from adopting the proposed restrictions on the admission of Missouri. Of internal improvement by roads and canals, he was ever the friend, and moved in the senate of the United States the first project of their systematic construction.

When the question of a successor to Mr. Monroe in the presidency became the subject of agitation, the claims of Mr. Adams to that high office were admitted to be strong and decided, by a large portion of his countrymen. His elevation was desired by a numerous body of calm, reflecting men, throughout the Union, who desired to see the government administered with the ability and integrity which belonged, as they knew, to the character of Mr. Adams. The other rival candidates for the presidency, Andrew Jackson, William H. Crawford, and Henry Clay, also presented severally strong claims for the support of the people. Of these several candidates, Mr. Adams was the only one who represented the non-slaveholding interest, and he was the second choice of an immense proportion of the people, who, for various causes, preferred one of the other candidates.

In consequence of the number in nomination for president, no choice was effected by the electoral colleges, and neither candidate approached nearer than within thirty-two votes of a majority. General Jackson received 99 votes, Mr. Adams 84, Mr. Crawford 41, and Mr. Clay 37. For the vice-presidency, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, received 182

votes, and was consequently elected. The choice of the president, according to constitutional provisions, was referred to the house of repre sentatives, and, contrary to general expectation, an election was made on the first ballot; Mr. Adams having received the votes of thirteen states, General Jackson seven states, and Mr. Crawford four states. In this election by the house, Mr. Clay and his friends having voted for Mr. Adams, great indignation was expressed by the supporters of General Jackson, but the friends of Mr. Crawford, generally, at first appeared satisfied with the result, as they preferred Mr. Adams to General Jackson, and the health of Mr. Crawford was then so precarious as to render him nearly, if not quite, incompetent for the office.

A committee of the house was appointed to wait on Mr. Adams and notify him of his election to the presidency; to this notification he made the following reply:

"GENTLEMEN: In receiving this testimonial from the representatives of the people, and states of this Union, I am deeply sensible to the cir cumstances under which it has been given. All my predecessors in the high station to which the favor of the house now calls me, have been honored with majorities of the electoral voices in their primary colleges. It has been my fortune to be placed, by the divisions of sentiment prevailing among our countrymen on this occasion, in competition, friendly and honorable, with three of my fellow-citizens, all justly enjoying, in an eminent degree, the public favor; and of whose worth, talents, and services, no one entertains a higher and more respectful sense than myself. The names of two of them were, in the fulfilment of the provisions of the constitution, presented to the selection of the house, in concurrence with my own; names closely associated with the glory of the nation, and one of them further recommended by a larger majority of the primary electoral suffrages than mine.

"In this state of things, could my refusal to accept the trust thus delegated to me, give an immediate opportunity to the people to form and to express with a nearer approach to unanimity, the object of their preference, I should not hesitate to decline the acceptance of this eminent charge, and to submit the decision of this momentous question again to their determination. But the constitution itself has not so disposed of the contingency which would arise in the event of my refusa.; I shall, therefore, repair to the post assigned me by the call of my country signified through her constitutional organs; oppressed with the magnitude of the task before me, but cheered with the hope of tha generous support from my fellow-citizens which, in the vicissitudes of a life devoted to their ser vice, has never failed to sustain me-confident in the trust, that the wisdom of the legislative councils will guide and direct me in the path of my official duty, and relying, above all, upon the superintending providence of that Being, in whose hand our breath is, and whose are all our ways.

"Gentlemen, I pray you to make acceptable to the house the assurance of my profound gratitude for their confidence, and to accept yourselves my thanks for the friendly terms in which you have communicated to me their decision."

The administration of Mr. Adams as president of the United States, commenced on the 4th of March, 1825, and continued four years. A combination having taken place immediately after the election, of a majority of the friends of Mr. Crawford with those of General Jackson, it was soon apparent that the new administration was destined to meet with a systematic and violent opposition. Every effort on the part of Mr. Adams to conciliate his opponents, and to conduct the public affairs with integrity and usefulness, proved ineffectual to turn the torrent of popular opinion which set steadily against him. In the third year of his term the administration was in the minority in both branches of Congress, and the opposition being concentrated on General Jackson as a candidate for president, he was in 1828 elected, by a large majority, over Mr. Adams.

In March, 1829, Mr. Adams retired to private life, carrying with him the esteem of his political friends, and the respect of his opponents, who generally gave him the credit of good intentions, however they might have differed with him in his views of public policy. While holding the high office of president, he uniformly declined the exercise of a proscriptive spirit toward those of his political opponents whom he found in office; magnanimously conceding to all the right of exercising their own free will in the choice of rulers, and in supporting or opposing the administration.

After the inauguration of his successor, General Jackson, Mr. Adams continued a short time at Washington city. He then repaired to his family mansion, and the scenes of his early youth, at Quincy, near Boston, Massachusetts, where, in the possession of a competent fortune, and in the enjoyment of the pleasures of domestic life with his family, he might have expected to pass the remainder of his days. But the people of his own immediate neighborhood were not willing to allow him to remain long in retirement. In 1830 he was elected to represent the district in which he resided, in the Congress of the United States, and the following year, namely, in December, 1831, he took his seat in the house of representatives at Washington city, being then in the 65th year of his age, and having already passed about forty years in the public service.

In the national legislature, he took and maintained the stand to which his eminent talents and distinguished services entitled him. The confidence of his constituents, was manifested by continued re-elections to the house of representatives, of which he was a constant member until his death, a period of more than sixteen years.

His reports as chairman of committees on various subjects, particularly on those of manufactures and finance, are among the ablest papers to be found among the national records. He distinguished himself especially

on the organization of the twenty-sixth Congress, in December, 1839, when difficulties of a novel character occurred, in consequence of dispu ted seats from the state of New Jersey, which prevented for many days the choice of a speaker. On that occasion Mr. Adams was chosen, by unanimous consent, chairman of the house while it was in a state of con fusion and disorder. By his skill and influence, he was enabled to calm the turbulent elements of a disorganized house, and to bring about a settlement of the difficulties which threatened the dissolution of the government. Perhaps the most striking feature of Mr. Adams's career as a member of the house of representatives, was his firm adherence to the right of the people to petition Congress, and to be heard through their representatives, on any subject whatsoever. He took an active part in debate, on nearly every topic of public interest, and his speeches were frequently marked with the most fervid eloquence.

The private character of Mr. Adams was always above reproach, in his intercourse with his fellow-men, and in all the various duties of a long life. Without any uncommon professions, he uniformly evinced great respect for the Christian religion, and, like his father, gave a preference to the doctrines of the unitarian church.

In a biographical sketch of Mr. Adams, written for the first edition of this work, and published in 1846, we made use of the following words: "The subject of this memoir is still found at his post in the public service, where, like the earl of Chatham, it may be expected his mortal career will finally close."

What was then a thought, in advance of a probable result, became an historical fact in 1848. On the twenty-second of February (the birthday of Washington), in that year Mr. Adams was prostrated by paralysis, while in his seat in the house of representatives, and yielded up his spirit to his Maker on the following day (February 23, 1848), being then in his eighty-first year. He died in the speaker's room in the capitol, and his last words were, "This is the last of earth." A committee of members of Congress accompanied his remains to the family burying-ground at Quincy, due honors being paid to his memory in the principal cities and towns, through which the corpse was carried to its final resting-place.

Mr. Adams was of middle stature, and full person, his eyes dark and piercing, and beaming with intelligence. He always led an active life, and enjoyed good health to an advanced age, his health being promoted, doubtless, by his early rising and bodily exercise. His mind was highly cultivated, and he was considered one of the most accomplished scholars and statesmen in America.

Mr. Adams, in May, 1797, was married to Louisa Catherine, daughter of Joshua Johnson, Esq., of Maryland, who then resided in London. By this lady, who survives him, he had four children, three sons and one daughter, of whom one only, Charles F. Adams of Boston, is now living.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS'S

ADDRESSES AND MESSAGES.

INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

MARCH 4, 1825.

In compliance with a usage coeval with the existence of our federal constitution, and sanctioned by the example of my predecessors in the career upon which I am about to enter, I appear, my fellow-citizens, in your presence, and in that of Heaven, to bind myself, by the solemnities of a religious obligation, to the faithful performance of the duties allotted to me in the station to which I have been called.

In unfolding to my countrymen the principles by which I shall be governed in the fulfilment of those duties, my first resort will be to that constitution which I shall swear, to the best of my ability, to preserve, protect, and defend. That revered instrument enumerates the powers and prescribes the duties of the executive magistrate; and, in its first words, declares the purposes to which these, and the whole action of the government instituted by it, should be invariably and sacredly devoted-to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to the people of this Union, in their successive generations. Since the adoption of this social compact, one of these generations has passed away. It is the work of our forefathers. Administered by some of the most eminent men who contributed to its formation, through a most eventful period in the annals of the world, and through all the vicissitudes of peace and war, incidental to the condition of associated man, it has not disappointed the hopes and aspirations of those illustrious benefactors of their age and nation. It has promoted the lasting welfare of that country, so dear to us all; it has, to an extent far beyond the ordinary lot of humanity, secured the freedom and happiness of this people. We now receive it as a precious inheritance from those to whom we are indebted for its establishment, doubly bound by the examples which they have left us, and by the blessings which we have enjoyed, as the fruits of their labors, to transmit the same, unimpaired, to the succeeding generation.

In the compass of thirty-six years, since this great national covenant was instituted, a body of laws enacted under its authority, and in conformity with its provisions, has unfolded its powers and carried into practical operation its effective energies. Subordinate departments have distributed the ex