the liberty of bringing the wishes of that officer before Congress.

Having devoted the last seven or eight years to the service of his country, he is desirous of continuing in the walk of public life, although he is ignorant, as I also am, of the offices which Congress have to bestow, and may think him competent to. Two openings, however, seem likely to occur, either of which, I am persuaded, he would fill with as much advantage to the public, as reputation to himself. The one is, a regiment, in case a Continental peace establishment should be resolved on; the other, official secretary to an embassy abroad, if new appointments should be made, or a vacancy happen in the old ones.

There is a third office, which I barely hint at, with all possible deference, and with a diffidence which proceeds more from a doubt of the propriety of my suggesting it, than from any question which arises in my mind, of his competency to the duties; and that is, Secretary of Foreign Affairs, if Congress should think it expedient to make another appointment, and should find all those requisites in him, which are necessary to constitute a minister for that department. For his ability, integrity, punctuality, and sobriety, I can fully

answer.

If I have gone too far, Congress will please to excuse it, and attribute the error to my wishes to serve a worthy character. I have the honor to be, &c.*

On the 12th of May following, Colonel Humphreys was chosen secretary to the commission for negotiating treaties of commerce with foreign powers.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDWARD HAND.

Mount Vernon, 14 January, 1784.

When I left Philadelphia, I hoped to have the pleasure of seeing you in Annapolis before my departure from thence, and to have an opportunity, previous to my resignation, of expressing to you personally, among the last acts of my official life, my entire approbation of your public conduct, particularly in the execution of the important duties of adjutant-general.

Notwithstanding I have been disappointed in that expectation, and have it now in my power, only as a private character, to make known my sentiments and feelings respecting my military friends; yet I cannot decline making use of the first occasion, after my retirement, of informing you, my dear Sir, how much reason I have had to be satisfied with the great zeal, attention, and ability manifested by you in conducting the business of your department; and how happy I should be in opportunities of demonstrating my sincere regard and esteem for you. It is unnecessary, I hope, to add with what pleasure I should see you at this place, being, dear Sir, &c.

SIR,

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Mount Vernon, 14 January, 1784.

I have had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 28th ultimo by Mr. Godin, and beg your Excellency to be persuaded, that I shall always be happy in opportunities of showing every suitable attention to foreigners

and gentlemen of such distinction, as those you did me the honor to introduce to my acquaintance.

I am truly sensible, Sir, that the extract from the instructions of the executive of Pennsylvania to their delegates contains another most flattering proof of the favorable opinion they are pleased to entertain of my past services. Every repeated mark of the approbation of my fellow citizens, especially of those invested with so dignified an appointment, demands my particular acknowledgment. Under this impression, I cannot but feel the greatest obligations to the Supreme Executive Council of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania. But, as my sentiments on the subject of their instructions have been long and well known to the public, I need not repeat them to your Excellency on the present occasion.

I have therefore only to add, that Mrs. Washington joins me in presenting our best compliments to Mrs. Mifflin, and that I have the honor to be, &c.*

* The instructions of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania to the delegates in Congress from that State contained the following clause.

"Though his Excellency General Washington proposes in a short time to retire, yet his illustrious actions and virtues render his character so splendid and venerable, that, it is highly probable, the admiration and esteem of the world may make his life in a very considerable degree public, as numbers will be desirous of seeing the great and good man, who has so eminently contributed to the happiness of a nation. His very services to his country may therefore subject him to expenses, unless he permits her gratitude to interpose.

"We are perfectly acquainted with the disinterestedness and generosity of his soul. He thinks himself amply rewarded for all his labors and cares, by the love and prosperity of his fellow citizens. It is true, no rewards they can bestow can be equal to his merits. But they ought not to suffer those merits to be burthensome to him. We are convinced that the people of Pennsylvania would regret such a consequence.

"We are aware of the delicacy, with which this subject must be treated. But relying upon the good sense of Congress, we wish it may engage their early attention.". December 16th, 1783.

As one of the delegates from Pennsylvania, President Mifflin forwarded

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

MY DEAR SIR,

Mount Vernon, 18 January, 1784.

I have just had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 8th. For the friendly and affectionate terms, in which you have welcomed my return to this country and to private life, and for the favorable light in which you are pleased to consider and express your sense of my past services, you have my warmest and most grateful acknowledgments.

That the prospect before us is, as you justly observe, fair, none can deny; but what use we shall make of it is exceedingly problematical; not but that I believe all things will come right at last, but like a young heir, come a little prematurely to a large inheritance, we shall wanton and run riot until we have brought our reputation to the brink of ruin, and then like him shall have to labor with the current of opinion, when compelled perhaps to do what prudence and common policy pointed out, as plain as any problem in Euclid, in the first instance.

The disinclination of the individual States to yield competent powers to Congress for the federal government, their unreasonable jealousy of that body and of one another, and the disposition, which seems to pervade each, of being all-wise and all-powerful within itself, will, if there is not a change in the system, be

this paper to General Washington. The brief reply in the above letter prevented its being laid before Congress. That reply, indeed, was accordant with his principles and determination, made known when he received his commission in the army. It was then his fixed purpose to receive no compensation from his country for his services. To this resolution he rigidly adhered, never exhibiting any other claims, than the simple amount of his expenses while he held his commission and was in actual employment.

our downfall as a nation. This is as clear to me as A, B, C; and I think we have opposed Great Britain, and have arrived at the present state of peace and independency, to very little purpose, if we cannot conquer our own prejudices. The powers of Europe begin to see this, and our newly acquired friends, the British, are already and professedly acting upon this ground; and wisely too, if we are determined to perse-. vere in our folly. They know that individual opposition to their measures is futile, and boast that we are not sufficiently united as a nation to give a general one! Is not the indignity alone of this declaration, while we are in the very act of peace-making and conciliation, sufficient to stimulate us to vest more extensive and adequate powers in the sovereign of these United States?

For my own part, although I am returned to, and am now mingled with, the class of private citizens, and like them must suffer all the evils of a tyranny, or of too great an extension of federal powers, I have no fears, arising from this source, in my mind; but I have many, and powerful ones indeed, which predict the worst consequences, from a half-starved, limping government, that appears to be always moving upon crutches, and tottering at every step. Men, chosen as the delegates in Congress are, cannot officially be dangerous. They depend upon the breath, nay, they are so much the creatures of the people, under the present constitution, that they can have no views, which could possibly be carried into execution, nor any interests distinct from those of their constituents. My political creed, therefore, is, to be wise in the choice of delegates, support them like gentlemen while they are our representatives, give them competent powers for all federal purposes, support them in the due exercise thereof, and, lastly, compel them to close attendance in Congress