the Union, he says: "The force of such an opinion against the validity of the Union, as that of the Tory or Orange Attorney-Gene"ral of Ireland for so many years, needs no comment." This is for the purpose of having it believed, that it was the opinion of the then Attorney-General, that the Act of Union was not valid. I will come by-and-by to the miserable subterfuge by which it was attempted to explain away that. He then gives a detail of the population of various Continental countries compared with Ireland, and says, “Ireland has not a Parliament," and describes various victories which had been won by the Irish. [See ante, p. 215, where this letter is fully set out.] Now, Gentlemen, if I had not this document, and were to take the card and draw the comments which the writer had made on its contents, it might be said that I was straining a point; but here we have the act of the Association itself explaining the document, and directly stating what its objects and what its meaning were, by moral forcemoral combination! Is this the mode of collecting together a moral force? It is absurd to assert that it is capable of that meaning; in the first place they could not do so, and in the second place, if they did, it would contradict the act of the Association. I suppose it will be contended, that those victories referred to were bloodless victories-the victories of public opinion, of reason and intellect over prejudice ; but, Gentlemen, it is for you to say, whether that explanation will satisfy the meaning of it. The writer further says: "The object of "the heathen Danes, who, at this period, determined to make up for "the failure of their constant attempts, during above 200 years, to "conquer Ireland, bears too strong a resemblance to the subsequent "conduct of another country towards us, not to be mentioned. They "'invaded,' says a cotemporary French chronicler, with an innume"rable fleet, and accompanied by their wives, their children, and "their Christian captives, whom they reduced to be their slaves, "the island Hibernia, likewise called Irlanda, in order that, the "Irish being exterminated, they might colonize that most opulent country for themselves.' The words, "pushing a pike," were also quoted in inverted commas; where they were taken from, I do not profess to say, but the reference was made to victories gained by the Irish by "pushing the pike" against the rebels. Gentlemen, the next document is the Volunteers' Card. This machinery appears to have been constructed with a view to the proceedings of the Volunteers in 1782, and I think you will find the real design was concealed under pretext of founding the steps that were to be adopted in the prosecution of that design, upon something like the precedent and legal authority of that Association. A resolution similar to one of that Association and a card, is given to a person who contributes £20, and this is called the "Volunteers' Card." This card is embellished with a likeness of Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Grattan, and Mr. Flood, and two other persons, in reference to whom Mr. Whiteside was particularly facetious. He alluded to Ollam Fodhla and King Dathi, but he overlooked Sarsfield, the O'Neills, and Brian Boroihme. You will recollect that Brian Boroihme was the Irish King at the battle of Clontarf, the description of which was contained in Mr. 66 6 O'Callaghan's letter. Sarsfield was also passed by in silence, because it was plain the intention was to keep before the minds of the Irish people the former victories in which they were successful by physical force against foreign invaders. Now I do not pretend to be able to tell what the duties may have been of those to whom those cards were given. I do not know, nor does it appear upon the card what they were required or bound to do. I do not know what were the whole of the duties of the Repeal Wardens, the confidential and accredited officers and emissaries of this body. All I know is this, that by means of them it was found possible to collect together, at the bidding of a single person, any number of persons at any particular place, from any distance almost, how ever remote. Gentlemen, I think I should not be able to convey to you a distinct or intelligible view of the true character or nature of this conspiracy, without taking you in some certain and determinate order, and I shall be able to do this by taking them in their chronological order, then according to the different charges contained in the indictment. The first part of the evidence to which I shall advert is the Pilot newspaper, of the 10th of March, 1843, having reference to Mr. Tyler's speech in America. I would call your attention particularly to the dates of these transactions, the period when those cards were issued, the date of those letters and speeches, and the other documents; and looking at all together you will see whether they do not develope a regularly organized plan and scheme of attaining the Repeal of the Legislative Union, by the exhibition of physical force; by attempting to create disaffection in the army; by sowing discontent and disaffection amongst different classes of people in this coun try, and by the several other means charged in this indictment. Mr. Tyler, the President's son, made a speech in America, and commented on the question of the Repeal of the Union; amongst other things he said: "That he had, through the medium of re"spected relatives, become acquainted with the character of some "of the sons of Ireland, who were driven from their homes by un"just judges and unjust juries in the struggle of Ireland for her in"deepndance in 1798, and that they had sought and found an asylum "in that land of freedom, America." Mr. Tyler went on to speak about the oppression under which Ireland suffered, and concluded by stating "that the libations to freedom must sometimes be quaffed in blood." Now, let us see how that speech was commented upon by Mr. Barrett, in the Pilot of the 10th of March. After some other observations, Mr. Barrett called "the attention of Her Majesty's Go"vernment to the fact, that the son of the President of the United "States of America, who took a leading part in the meeting held "there, moved the first resolution; that he delivered a bold and "statesmanlike speech upon the occasion; that the young gentle"" man was secretary to his father; and that he was, of course, the representative and expounder of his father's views and opinions. "Let it be recollected," said he, "that the President of the United 46 "States of America was a Repealer of the Union, and here was his "son and secretary, with Members of Congress, gathered round the green standard of Ireland and Repeal. The United States were "studded all over with Repeal Associations; they were about to bind "themselves together by means of executive bodies, which should "never be dissolved until Ireland was again restored to her liberty." Am I not therefore well warranted in stating that at this time Mr. Barrett entertained the opinion, and circulated it through the medium of his newspaper, that the United States of America were in such a condition, that it would be unsafe for the Government or for the Ministry of England to refuse compliance with the demands made by the Repeal Association? Is not that evidence of attempting to intimidate the Government? Does it not support the charge, this first document which I produce? There have been no observations offered upon it; no explanation given of it, and am I not right in calling on you to give it the meaning it plainly imports? The observations then went on to state, that "America naturally considered "that Ireland would be attached to her interests. Ireland is, after "all, an important portion or section of the national family. Napo"leon once said that had he landed his Egyptian army in Ireland, " and turned it into a republic, he might have altered the destinies of "the whole world"-"curious coincidence!" The same state of things, which, if Napoleon had taken advantage of by sending his army into Ireland, and thereby alter the destinies of the whole world, might occur again! "England may get into war with her neighbours." "Ireland is an important part of the national family," and if England happened to be at war hereafter, persons might be found, who would adopt a wiser course, by not sending the armies to Egypt but to Ireland; who knows what the result might be? Curious coincidence!! That took place on the 10th of March, 1843, and there was an article in the Nation, entitled "The Memory of the Dead," upon the 1st of April, and you will remark how the actions of the different traversers concurrently agreed on the different subjects. Mr. Barrett in the Pilot, Dr. Gray in the Freeman, and Mr. Duffy in the Nation, all coincided in their different spheres. These lines commence with: "Who fears to speak of Ninety-eight? And yet you are told that there is no meaning in it, and that it was only an imitation of the Jacobite songs. It was compared to "The Exile of Erin," and other ballads; and it was said that no person could suppose that the mere publication of it showed the slightest guilty intention. Mr. Whiteside went even so far as to say, that it could not be said even to allude to 1798, as '98 was all that was mentioned; and it might as well be the year '98 in the first century, 1698, or 1398, as 1798; but it will be for you to judge what was the object of its publication, and what '98 it was intended to allude to. If I were to give Mr. Whiteside the full benefit of his commentaries on the facts in question, saying that it was a mere effusion indicating a commiseration at the unhappy fate of the unhappy men who died in that year, supposing that it was capable of such a construction, judging from the first part, who could think so when he read another verse: "And we will pray that from their clay Full many a race will start, Of true men, like you, men, To act so brave a part." Was that commiseration for the unhappy fate of the misguided men, or was it likely to encourage the men of the present day to follow their example? How was that rebellion of 1798, which was so elo. quently denounced by Mr. O'Connell, characterized by this effusion? As "the struggle of right against might," and this was the publication of Mr. Duffy, one of the traversers. The next document I will refer to, was the Freeman's Journal of the 4th of April, 1843, which contained the proceedings of a meeting upon the previous day, when it will be seen that Mr. Ray read a letter from General Clooney, dated on the 2nd of April, 1843, in which he remitted money, and the names of Members, Associates, &c., which, upon the motion of Mr. O'Connell, was ordered to be inserted on the minutes. Then, on the 29th of the same month, there appeared an article in the Nation, headed, “Something is coming ;" and you will remember that one of the allegations of the traversers was, "that their object was to effect a measure"to procure from the Legislature, by peaceable and constitutional means, the Repeal of the Union." Parliament was then sitting, and for a long time after, and what was it that was coming? Was it the discussion of Repeal in the Houses of Parliament they meant? Is it the presenting of a petition for that purpose? I think you will not be of that opinion when I call your attention to the topics introduced into this article. It proceeds thus: "Something is coming; aye, let it be for good or evil, something is coming. Some crisis, 64 some decided swell or ebb of Ireland's fortune is not far off. The "country at leng this roused; gathering, and darkening, and accumu"lating have its forces been for long, and men said, it will be a "shower, and 'twill pass away,' but now the masses are suddenly "rolling together, and crowding the firmament. The heart of Ire"land begins to beat strongly. This is a solemn time for all men who "can influence the people.' Now, Gentlemen, you will observe that up to this time no declaration had been made in the House of Commons by Sir Robert Peel on the question of Repeal, and there was no pretence, therefore, for saying that this publication could be accounted for, or justified by, any expression of opinion in England. Again: "Let no man mistake us. We do not wish to discourage the people, "but to put them in a state of mind as remote from depression as from "frivolous confidence-confidence has no safe basis except in thorough "knowledge. We do not bid the people crouch in cowardly woe 46 46 "we summon them forth to strain every nerve, to abandon present "comfort, to make any sacrifice for liberty, provided they see clearly "for what they came forth, and know they are to succeed." I do not quarrel with figurative language; we are not prosecuting for figurative language, but it is for plain, direct speaking. "But we will never urge them out with us on the troubled waters, unless we are sure of ship and crew, and foresee how we shall weather the gale. We 66 repeat, then, that there are signs and storms abroad, and we wish "the people to look into the tempest, and measure its strength, and prepare to conquer it. Ireland has the means of a present and par"tial and of an ultimate and complete success in her own hands, if "she go on wisely, and, therefore, sternly, coolly, and vigorously to "work. Let no man believe that they have undertaken a holi"day mumming in meeting England's remorseless and subtle despotism. Let us have no bragging or foolhardiness. There has "been too much of this at all times in Ireland. If we are all "that we are apt to call ourselves, how comes it that millions of "our population often want a second meal? And why have we failed "to loosen or smash England's cruel and wasting gripe of us? No! "no! The Irish have great genius and courage, but they require to "educate and steady themselves into that foresight and perseverance "which win campaigns as well as battles in politics or war. Let us look "about us for the elements of success; let us throw away no re66 sources, offend no ally, arouse no neutral, and abandon no strong position. We have the opportunity and the means themselves to "our hands. America is more unanimous in its friendship and more "powerful in its means than in 1829. Let America be told the whole "truth of our position, and she will do her best. We can promise "for some of the ablest and greatest in France. The French people "long to serve us. England is in distress. Her finances are in dif 66 ficulty. Her colonial empire-India, the Cape, China, Canada, "&c., make such a demand on her, that out of 103 battalions, which "constitute her infantry of the line, 80 are abroad, and only 23 in "the three kingdoms. And unless the late blows received from Por"6 tugal and Brazil tend to keep her up against the staggering shocks "without, and the huge cancer of aristocracy within, her pecuniary 66 resources will diminish as the demand for them increases." This is to show them that England could not resist an outbreak; the utmost she could do would be to maintain her own empire; and that they "must be successful when England was so crippled. What, then, is "necessary? Exertion, coolness, patience, and courage. The people of Ireland are now more sober and orderly, though not more "excited, than in some of their former movements. Let them endeavour to get more order and more intelligence; let them do and pre"pare more than hitherto; let them be kind, conciliatory, and forgiving, to such of the Protestants as have not yet joined." How often have you been told that there is nothing sectarian in this proceeding; that the difference of religious creed is not to interpose. Why 66 |