sure as the noble earl's. What! Earl Grey !-the senator who quickened the rage and increased the power of our adversaries; who laboured successfully in prostrating or turning against us defences, wherein, as instruments, our trust had been placed— who did all that his abilities could effect, to bow the spirit of the friends of England, and to consolidate into a strong and impetuous mass the multitudes who would break her bonds asunder

when he has withdrawn himself from responsibility, and when he hears Protestant calling to persecuted and menaced Protestant to stand. up and be provided against the evils which are, and which are coming-is he to add mockery to the wrongs he has already done, and to call their enthusiasm madness. Madness!— The Protestants of Ireland mad, because they think the storm is to be dreaded, when he who conjured it up has been swept from the helm-mad, for accepting instruction from the unexampled circumstances in which the prime minister of England was circumvented—are they mad for refusing to admit a thought that his associates are of a spirit knowingly to be partakers in intrigues which had so humiliating an issue;-or for believing, that unconscious instruments in a procedure so faithless and foul are convicted of a weakness and indiscretion which render confidence in them impossible? The Protestants of Ireland mad, because -they think worse days are coming, when they see the pledged, sworn enemy of British connexion, dictating to the British government the measures they must adopt-marshalling them the way that they must go-excluding from the Sovereign's confi-dence-denying to the wishes of the people, every minister who will not follow in the track he points out, and toil at his behest in the dismemberment of the empire? And this is madness. It may be a small thing to Earl Grey that the connexion which binds Ireland to his country is snapped, and our unhappy land, with all its elements of fierce commotion, loosed upon a path of anarchy and blood. It may be to him a light thing that a generation perish, and in one member of the empire the Protestant race and name for a time be blotted out. But we will not lightly believe, that when he calls the efforts of Protestants to preserve the bonds of union, their firm determination to maintain the post in which they are set, under all disadvantages, by the name of madness

we will not lightly believe, that, in this contemptuous and unfeeling sarcasm, he speaks the sentiments of the English people.-I am glad it was not in England he uttered this taunt. I am glad we have so decisive testimony of the character of the assembly to which he addressed it-an assembly in which he was not reminded of what was due to himself, by being forced to remember, from the presence in which he stood, what was due to the gallantry, and the worth, and the wisdom of the Scottish metropolis. I am glad to feel that the gentry of Scotland gave no countenance to the cruel scoff; and that the local circumstances in which Earl Grey thought it not unbecoming to insult the Protestants of Ireland, in their sore persecution and peril, gave ample assurance that he did not consult for the feelings, or speak the sentiments, of their brethren in any portion of the empire. Many beside Lord Grey have assumed an angry and a haughty tone in their commentaries on our proceedings. How changed from the language by which they persuaded English Protestants to give our enemies power! We should at least display their inconsistency; we should confront their past assurances with the contumelies wherewith they now assail us-appeal from their invectives to their solicitations-and make the distinction plain between the "men who were deceived, and who now honourably acknowledge their error, and endeavour to repair the injuries they have occasioned; and the deceivers wherever they are, who think, by the vehemence of their present reckless and unworthy criminations, to efface the remembrance of the promises they have contemptuously broken.-I have the honor, therefore to move,

"That extracts be made, with a view to their publication, from the promises and pledges given by Roman Catholics and their advocates before the parliamentary committees, in 1825, and during the discussions which ended in the relief bill in 1829, declaring the attachment of one party to the established church, and the determination of the other not to exercise the privileges they solicited, to overthrow or disturb it-and from statements subsequently made by the same individuals—for the purpose of showing how far their promises and engagements have been violated or observed."

At a Meeting of the SOUTH LANCASHIRE SOCIETY, held in the Amphitheatre, Liverpool, on November 21, 1834, to receive the Deputation from Ireland.

The Lord KENYON in the Chair.

My Lord Kenyon-Gentlemen-I could have wished that my Rev. Friend had completed the case, which it was his purpose to lay before you, and enumerated the various complaints which the Protestants of Ireland have to prefer against their oppressors. I am acquainted with his discriminating industry. I know how extensively he has collected, and how carefully he has arranged, the testimonies by which his statements were to be confirmed. I know how scrupulously he has sought out, and how rigidly he has rejected, whatever could not endure the test of a severe scrutiny-and I have accordingly the strongest confidence in my mind, that had he continued his address until it had embraced all the topics which it was his purpose to submit to your consideration, the case of Protestantism in Ireland would have been fully made out, and you would not have complained of the length of time which such a case had imperatively demanded, and which would have been set before you, in an address, maintaining, from the commencement to the close, high claims on your attention. But however I regret that a statement so full of interest has not been completed, I do not for an instant hesitate to obey the call made upon me, and to state some of the reasons why we appear before you.

It has long been a fixed persuasion in my country, that the measures of late adopted or attempted by the Legislature, against the Protestants of Ireland, were not in accordance with our Sovereign's will-did not bear the impress of the British character. This per

suasion has prevented the love of many for the name of England from waxing cold. It gives us confidence, too, that in the coming struggle, when the cause of truth and order and liberty, shall be put in peril—and we may be the first in whose persons it shall be assaulted-you will not abandon the right; and when, in prospect of such a crisis, we collect our energies to meet the coming danger, and when senators-planetary senators (A)-who were profuse in their expressions of attachment to the Church, while they were undermining its defences-(who were ready to promise, that when the walls of exclusion had fallen, we should, if danger threatened, find a nobler protection in walls of faithful men, and that they would be their leaders)-became equally lavish, when the dangers they invited had drawn near, in invectives against the church, and its betrayed, but resolute defenders, we had a proud and sustaining conviction that you did not participate in their feelings, or praise the cruel taunts, which, under so forbidding circumstances, they thought it not unworthy of them to utter. Therefore we are here; in the name of a body whose true faith and whose unprovoked wrongs give them a claim on your justice and good-will, to lay before you a plain view of the condition of the Irish Protestants, and solicit your attention to it.

There is a peculiarity in our case to which it is fitting that I should respectfully direct your attention. The statement which we have been deputed to submit to you has been, in all its material points, corroborated by the testimony of our adversaries' silence. When the ministry, of which Earl Grey was, or seemed the head, had given proof that they were acquainted with the dangers to which peaceable men in Ireland were exposed, and at the same time were, from whatever cause, incapable of affording them protection, the Protestants assembled to deliberate and to determine what, in so alarming an exigency, it became them to do. They felt that the evidences of danger and difficulty must be very glaring when they could extort such an acknowledgment as the coercion bill, that the measures of the reform ministry had not worked well; and they saw how hopeless was the thought of real protection from statesmen who could consent to forego clauses confessedly essential to a measure, which the disorders of Ireland imperatively