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HISTORY, ENCYCLOPEDIA, REFERENCE BOOK

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sity
against outrageous injustice and intolerable
the strike
oppression. We contend that
when based on justice, conducted with dis-
cretion and used as a last resort is a per-
whose force is
fectly legitimate weapon
moral as well as physical and whose results
are often more beneficial than its apparent
"Beware of en.
ending would indicate.
trance to a quarrel; but, being in, bear it,
that the opposer may beware of thee."

serves.

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(1886, p. 7) The question of strikes is perhaps in the present movement of labor organizations one that is receiving the larg est share of consideration by workmen, not wholly, we must confess, guided by that intelligence which we think the subject de We do not as a federation or individuals wisn to be understood as the Yet while we depreadvocate of strikes. cate the measure of warfare in the labor movement we, however, cannot and will not join the general hue and cry of condemna. tion. Strikes are bad, no doubt, but only are they so when failures; but not so bad when successful. Therefore to know when to strike, and more especially when not to, To are the questions of greatest import. "order" a strike, with nonchalance, of large numbers of men and "order" them back again to work under more degrading conditions than before they went on strike, with the bombast of a Don Quixote, is not, we submit, the best means of improving the condition of labor.

(1888, p. 11) President reported: "For quite a time a great deal has been said in condemnation of strikes by labor or pseudolabor men with which, I confess, I have no patience. It is true that no man who has given the question of strikes and the labor movement any thought can look upon strikes with favor; but to be continually condemn ing them is entirely another thing. To know when to strike, and particularly when not to strike, is a science not yet fully under stood. To strike upon a falling market or being insufficiently organized, or, if organ ized, not properly equipped with the ammuni tion so necessary to a successful strikefunds-is unquestionably the height of ig norance. The story of the strikes that may have failed of their immediate objects ye wages and have prevented reductions in worse conditions will probably never be en tirely told. Mounting condemnation strikes does not, we find by experience abolish or even reduce their number. a consistent opponent of strikes, though. I do find that those organizations of labor which have best provided themselves with the means

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War has

friends of the human family.
been practically declared against the labor
organizations, and war measures resorted to
But will they
in the effort to crush them.
A thousand
We answer, No.
be crushed?
times, No. The labor movement is the mani
festation of that unrest born of the convic
tion that injustice prevails which needs rem
edying and supplanting by justice and right
The labor movement voices the aspirations
of the toiling masses as well as lays bare
their wrongs. It is the means through which
tyranny is held in check; it lives in their
minds and hearts and will not and cannot
be crushed.

(1893, pp. 13-42) Tendency on the part
of the courts and officers of the government
to make all strikes, particularly those or
railroads, an offense against the laws of the
country. One judge issued an order com
pelling railroad employes to continue at work
and sent to prison an engineer who had no
Another judge
complied with the order.
went even further in his denial of the right
to cease work. The postmaster general and
superintendence of mail recommended mak
A mail
ing strikes on railroads unlawful.
train was defined as any train "with a single
Aid to de-
pouch or railway postal car.'
feat enactment of such a law was voted.
tried in
(p. 14) Report made that men
Coeur d'Alen'a on charges of conspiracy,
treason, riot and murder committed during
strikes were acquitted.

(1896, pp. 20-61) One of the stereotyped arguments which are urged against the trade unions most often is that strikes are old and effete weapons, that they have lost their power to secure permanent or even temporary advantages. As a matter of fact, there is no one who has devoted thought to our movement but who will endeavor by every means within his power to prevent the inauguration of strikes, or to take such measures as will bring their number down to a minimum. It would not be amiss to say here that I have yet to meet an active trade unionist who does not deplore the necessity of strikes, and who has not, in countless instances, averted them. But to assert that strikes are ineffective is to assert that which has no foundation in fact. In the very nature of our being, we are determined, as we ara justly entitled to demand, a larger share in the product of our labor. We want peace, but we shall insist that peace shall be maintained consistent with the increasing needs of our workers and those depending upon them. We organize, and the better we are prepared to enter into strikes, the less occasion will we have to resort to them in order to insure success in securing justice to labor. With organized labor, corporations and unfair employers will soon realize that concession will be less costly than All being conscious, however, of what is involved, we are now more careful of entering into haphazard strikes than ever before, not because they are ineffective, but because the voice of labor is more distinctly and emphatically heard. We need never fear that the workers will fail to secure relief, improvement, amelioration, and finally emancipation, provided they are organized true trade unionists. With this basis for their organization, they will prove citadel of power and defense against all antagonism directed from whatsoever source.

conflict. to strike have continually less The most po occasion to indulge in them. tent factor to prevent or reduce the number of strikes is a well organized trade unio with a full treasury ready to strike shoulo the necessity arise."

(1892, p. 12). The efforts of the toiling masses to carry on the struggles for improved conditions have been met in the spirit of the bitterest antagonism.

as Our methods to gradually improve the condition of the masses have been regarded and treated as if were the enemies rather than the

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362

The secret of labor's success, to labor's progress, to labor's best improvement, lies in the one word, organization; for there can not be organization without education; there can not be organization without agitation; there can not be organization of the wage-earners on trade-union lines which does But wholly not mean final emancipation. aside from the indisputable facts which demfor that strikes onstrate or preparation strikes are a most potent weapon to secure better conditions for the workers, a cursory view of modern methods by which industry is conducted will convince, that now more The than ever, are strikes most effective. concentration of large numbers by which one industry is so closely allied to another that the stopping of one branch may mean the paralysis of nearly all; the vast sums invested in the plants and in the highest countless developed machinery, these and other considerations make the modern strike SO than ever not only effective but more We observe before in the world's history. the effort in civilized nations to reach settlements of disputes by other means than a resort to arms. Is this not a realization of the fact that modern warfare is so destructive that nations prefer making concessions rather than to indulge in what might practically be a war of extermination? Despite these peaceful settlements by nations, however, they neither of them disarm nor do smaller or weaker nations enjoy these blessings at the hands of the larger, the stronger. The same reasoning applies to the organizations of labor and the employers of labor. Wealth, Capital, are the arms of The trade unions with the employing class. funds the ammunition of labor-provided by the workers during periods of peaceful Such employment, are the arms of labor.

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condition may mean practically armed peace, but that that is preferable to unarmed slavery no sincere lover of mankind and progress will dispute.

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(1898, p. 18) Textile workers had engaged in a strike in New England with this result: Uneven as the contest was by reason of lack of organization and preparation on the part of the textile workers, yet the con For test itself has had a salutary effect. years and years the conditions of the tile workers have deteriorated. The employers have come to look upon them docile and willing to submit to any conditions which might be imposed. Reduction after reduction of wages was the invariable rule with each recurring season. The strike at New Bedford made the victory of the employers an expensive one. It taught them the lesson that there is a limit beyond which the workers will not yield without a struggle. It has effectually stopped reductions; and if the textile workers will but organize in their union upon a common-sense basis for their protection and advance, there can be no question but a turn in the tide is at hand.

(1900, p. 112) We note with regret that employers of labor still believe in the principles of absolutism as applied to industry, thus holding to the idea that "their business'' is exclusively their own and, therefore, refusing to redress grievances and give such amelioration to the worker as will make his life tolerable. The large number of strikes during this year indicate a greater

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prevalence of these opinions than we had a right to expect. While this conception is prevalent, conciliation is impossible, and, for the worker, under those conditions, there remains but one thing to do, namely, strike, or, in other words, to stop producWe are tion until grievances are redressed. pleased to observe that the largest number of strikes during the past year have been successful, and we have no doubt that more would have been, but for the fact that postal laws, interstate commerce laws and injunetions as yet do much to prevent the use of means which, in themselves, aside from these laws and injunctions, are in morals and law proper. Records entirely justifiable and

of strikes won or lost by no means furnish a reliable or complete statement of what organization has done, or failed to do. Wage and other settlements secured without recourse to strikes are of greater value in measuring the worth of organization and should be included in any statistical statement, in order to make it approximately correct; and we, therefore, recommend that all organizations affiliated be requested to fill out blanks provided for this purpose by the A. F. of L.

(1902, pp. 10-143) Apart from the miners' strike there has been no general trade contest involving large numbers of any particular craft, nor have there been so large a number of strikes during the past year as in former years. Of those reported the great preponderance have been for higher wages and reductions in the hours of labor, and One these have been largely successful. organization reported that it has increased the wages of its members fully $1,000,000 per annum, while there are few whose membership working more than eight-hours per day have not secured a reduction in their working time, and the organizations largely having the eight-hour work-day have tended the beneficence of that rule. It is unquestionable that the lesser number of strikes which have occurred are due to the better organization of our fellow-workers, and the greater readiness with which employers have been willing to concede reasonable demands.

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(1903, pp. 16-172) During the year a considerable number of strikes occurred. It will be observed that the gains achieved in the interests of our fellow-workers were considerable-advances in wages, reductions in hours of labor, and improvements in other respects and that but comparatively few of the strikes inaugurated were defeated in the objects sought. Much of the expendi tures reported because of strikes were made during last year. It will be observed, too, by reference to the table that many organizations have gained large advantages while they have expended infinitesimally small amounts. These are particularly attributable to the organizations referred to having accumulated funds and systems of beneficial features which have given them such stability and resourcefulness that employers were more willing to concede reasonable and fair demands rather than at the outset risk losses which they know result from long drawn-out contests. In connection with this subject, we at this time desire to again impress upon the minds of all unionists the necessity of the payment of higher dues, the establishment of benefits, and the accumulation of reserve funds in the trade unions.

These would not only be available in strikes which might occur, but they will be more Many organipotent in preventing them. zations seem to believe that they will be immune from attacks, only to find themselves in the midst of an industrial conflict threatWe are anxious ening their very existence.

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that we shall have the largest amount of success during periods of industrial activity, and not be compelled to recede an inch during any industrial reaction; that our organizations shall be strong enough in members, influential enough in solidarity, and powerso that ful enough in financial resources we can successfully refuse to bear the buravarice of dens of the incompetency or some of the captains of industry and other employers. It seems wiser to risk the slower growth of our organizations, or even the loss of some members in times of industrial activity, than it is to invite discouragement and enfeeblement of the members as a result More strikes contests. of defeat in avoided and averted by thorough organiza tion and preparation for them than by any other known means. There is a most erroneous impression prevalent regarding losses occasioned by strikes. Of course, it is true that a strike involves the loss of work and wages for the time being, but there has not one strike occurred but it has been followed by greater activity in the trade. In other words, the time for the performance of the work and the payment of the wages has been deferred; that is, that the stoppage in the trade has been made to suit the convenience and the purpose of the workmen, rather than the convenience and purpose of the employer. A strike involving wages, hours, and other conditions of employment, even if temporarily defeated in the attainment of the immediate purpose, has always checked greater invasion on the part of the employers, or has paved the way for the ultimate achieve. ment of the object sought by the workmen. Taking the strike as an economic or social factor, it has never lost. For men contending against deterioration or for improvement, if, say, they lose the strike, what occurs? Those occupying a higher material condition do not displace those engaged in the contest. If they are displaced at all it is by those whose conditions are poorer or are unemployed, and, taking the worst view of the situation, it has been merely a change of personnel of those occupying the relative positions. But the truth is, and the entire history of industry has demonstrated it to be a fact, that the workers who have intelligence and manhood enough in their makeup to contend against the imposition of poorer, or to strike for better conditions, never go down in the economic scale. In other words, though the workmen may be defeated in th immediate contest, their character, perse verance, and ability always make for the next highest rung in the industrial ladder.

(1913, pp. 84-301) During the past year, the miners of West Virginia have been engaged in a prolonged, serious, and

even

bloody contest for the right to organize and to enjoy the privileges of free workmen. The miners of West Virginia have long been held in well-nigh feudal subjection by the coal operators. As is well known to organized labor, the coal operators not only own the mines, but large tracts of land surrounding them and controlling all approaches;

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they own the houses the miners must rent, the stores from which they must purchase their necessities and supplies; they own the land surrounding the post-offices, sometimes the building itself, and control approaches to it. In addition to this economic trol over the lives of the workers, their wages and conditions of work, the expendi ture of their wages, the mine operators for a long time have had control over the politi cal forces and agencies of the state and have maintained their own individual gov ernment on their possessions by means the so-called mine-guard system. By collusion with state agencies, the mine operators had been seeking to direct foreign immigra tion to the West Virginia coal mining districts, evidently in order that they might maintain on oversupply of labor and thus to render the workers practically relpless. Such were the conditions against which th miners of West Virginia rebelled in 1912. After an intense struggle entailing suffering, hardships, and loss of life, peace has at las been secured with recognition of the right to organize, increased wages, and improved working conditions. During the course of the struggle, issues were raised which diverted attention from the immediate objec tives of the miners to larger matters of fundamental importance to all workers and We refer to the to all liberty-loving people. subordination of civil government to the military and civil courts to a military commission with the function of a court-martial This was done in defiance of the Constitu tion of the United States which guarantees to the citizens of every State the right trial by jury and the constitution of the State of West Virginia which absolutely prohibits the suspension of the writ of ha beas corpus and the declaration of martial law. Workers imprisoned according to the orders of a military commission demanded the right of habeas corpus and took appeal That court to the highest court of the state. decided against the contentions of the miners. Judge I. E. Robinson gave a dissenting opin ion in which he declared the military could lawfully be used in the execution of the laws but should not be used to oust the laws of the land." He held that the necessity for military law is at an end when the arrest of the offender in his violation of the law is overcome by his arrest and detention -force should not be applied in finding guilt and fixing punishment. All of the state officers and agents of West Virginia have been so long under the domination of powerful and wealthy interests that the avenues of redress and justice have been almost closed to the workers. However, this uprising of the miners and the light of pub licity thrown upon corruption in political offices have roused the honest, decent citizens to a realization of their duty. Investiga tion of corruption in the state legislature has resulted in the punishment of guilty members. An inquiry into the charges of violations of the immigration law has been instituted. If the demands of organized la bor and all right-thinking people are made sufficiently insistent and compelling, changes may be forced which will reclaim the people's rights and prerogatives from the con trol of predatory interests which have perverted and polluted democratic government. The subversion of civil, representative gov ernment to military, arbitrary domination

364

means the destruction of our free institutions and practices things gained at the If arbitrary irreprice of heroic sacrifice. sponsible government is allowed to establish itself unchallenged in any state, what guarantee have we that the vested interests of other states may not with impunity adopt This is a most serious the same devices?

issue and one of grave import to the toilers who have ever been the sufferers wherever oppression has existed.

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(1914, pp. 103-366) The various different movements of the miners for improved conmore conspicuous this ditions have been past year than those of any other organization. This is due to the intensity with have been waged, which the struggles each instance practically to amounting in civil war; to the number of human beings to whom the struggle meant privation, suffering and losses. Land holding conditions involved in some mining districts have enestablish what abled the operators amounts to a feudal operating system for the mines. They own vast tracts of lands, hundreds and even thousands of square miles in extent on which the mines are located. and therefore The mining companies own that traverse the land. control all roads They own the houses in which the miners live; the villages made up of these miners; the school houses to which their children must go for mental training; the churches which minister to their spiritual needs; the stores from which they buy their and food other necessities; clothing, the post-offices where they get their mail. money orders, and conduct their crude bank ing transactions. Every detail of mining life is under the supervision of the mine operators through their power of ownership. In time of strike the mine operators have the power of eviction and have forced hundreds of strikers and their families to seek shelter in tent colonies, with the consequent dangers of exposure. There can be no real freedom under such conditions of industrial tyranny. In addition to the problems arising from feudal ownership of land, the mine They operators have assumed police power. employ armed mine guards to maintain their In regulations and to guard mine property. times of industrial peace the mine guards serve as police and prevent undesirable'' persons from trespassing upon the land of The elastic term the mining companies. mean all In times

trespass has been interpreted to manner of organizing activities.

war.

of industrial disputes the mine guards are These increased and more heavily armed. conditions beget violence, and industrial disputes in many of these districts are now The use of armed practically civil troops by mine operators and the power resulting from ownership of large tracts of contiguous territory and the subversion of civil government to military rule are some of the most serious of modern industrial We problems. urge recommend and that the various state federations of labor en deavor to secure legislation prohibiting this brutal practice which is subversive of all industrial justice and freedom.

Strikes, Cooperation in-(1913, p. 345) Executive Council was instructed to appoint a committee to devise ways and means for better cooperation in strikes and lockouts between affiliated unions. (1914, p. 61)

Effort was made to work out a plan whereby power might be placed in the hands of the A. F. of L. to levy, collect and distribute a tax upon each member for the purpose of meeting the expense of any strike or lockout A letter was sent of a national character. to each national and international union reThe answers showed questing their advice. only a few of the affiliated organizations felt the disposed to concede the authority to A. F. of L. to levy assessments upon their members. Convention instructed Executive Council to make no further efforts along that line at this time.

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Strikes, Endorsement of-(1904, p. 242) Mode of procedure by which applications to strike are made and how local unions be come entitled to benefits from the defens fund: Local unions anticipating any dif ficulty, or proposing to make any demand, make application to the A. F. of L., setting forth the demands that are to be made, or the cause of the matter in contention. mediately upon reseipt of this information at office, a competent organizer or other representative is communicated with by mail or telegraph, as is most necessary or convenient. In the meantime, manifold copies of the application of the local union submitted to the members of the Executive Council by mail, with the request for a telegraphic vote as to whether or not the union shall be sustained and become entitled to the benefits of the defense fund should a strike occur or a lockout be inaugurated. When a majority vote of the members of the Executive Council has approved the application, the union is immediately advised that if a strike or lockout is unavoidable, it will become entitled to the benefits of the defense fund. The effort of the organizer or representative of the A. F. of L. is continued in the meantime for an advantageous and peaceful adjustment of the matters in dispute.

In

of (1882, Strikes, Investigation p. 9) Senate Committee on Education and Labor had been directed to investigate strikes, their cause and report what measures were necessary to prevent them. No trade unionists had been invited to give evidence. 1883 (p. 10) Convention instructed a committee to present views of the organization and requested all delegates who had griev ances to present them. Invitation (p. 15) for labor officials to testify was received Education from the Senate Committee on and Labor. (1884, p. 16) Adopted request that 300,000 copies of the report on strikes of the Senate Committee on Education and Labor be printed.

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Strikes, Local Union (1917, p. 458) Refused to amend constitution providing for the organization of unions based on a strict recognition of the autonomy of each trade locally as well as nationally or internationally.

Strikes, Mail Signs to Defeat (1896, p. 76) Endorsed bill prohibiting the marking of cars U. S. Mail" when they do not carry any, as it is a cloak for the intimidation and coercion of employes. (1899, pp. 14148) Complaint was entered to the Postoffice Department against the street railroad companies abusing the right of using signs, designating their cars as authorized to carry the U. S. mails. The department answered

HISTORY, ENCYCLOPEDIA, REFERENCE BOOK

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was made that in the event of any complaint being made, the guilty parties will be pros

ecuted.

Railroads a MisdemeanorStrikes on This amendment to the 100) (1916, p. Adamson law was easily defeated in the "Sec. 5. Any person who shall Senate: knowingly and willfully obstruct or retard the operation of trains mentioned shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and be punished by a fine not exceeding $100, or imprisonment not exceeding six months, or both.'

Structural Building Alliance (1904, pp. 84-266) Executive Council expressed hope the Structural Building Alliance would cooperate with rather than deviate from the purposes of the A. F. of L. Convention believed the alliance to be a friendly body, willing to encourage and maintain fraternal relations with all existing recognized central bodies, and would at no distant day become part and parcel of the A. F. of L. While Subsidies, Ship-(1898, p. 128) merchant ar increased national we favor marine we are opposed to any and all subare unnecessary sidies, holding that they and so far have done nothing to improve the condition of the employes of either the shipinduced native builders or shipowners or (1899, p. 119) Reboys to become seamen. "We affirmed action with this declaration: are decidedly opposed to all legislation of this kind and will not give it consideration until the great shipbuilding firms of the to our country withdraw their opposition and cease eight-hour workday legislation their discrimination against the employment Also declared the resources of union men.'' of the country permitted building of ships cheaper than in Europe.

These principles were (1899, p. 123) adopted: While we rejoice in the diversified industries of our country, and in the mulcommerce, tiplication and extension of our we are opposed to the granting of any subsidies whatever for the following reasons: 1. A subsidy in the very nature of things is the granting of a special privilege, empowering some men to fill their pockets at the expense of others through the forms of law. 2. Special privileges of all kinds have a corroding and demoralizing effect on the citizenship of our country, inasmuch as they debauch our legislative halls, and tend to the belief that a public office is a private gain to be worked for personal profit and class interest. 3. Such legislation cultivates the belief that anybody may, if they can. stick their hand into the public treasury and fill their pockets without harm to others. 4. We are further opposed to the endorsement of such legislation by this body, because subsidies in general are always passed by the liberal use of corruption funds, and we cannot afford to have it charged that the labor movement of America has had its conscience polluted judgment warped and by meddling with measures of this character. Its endorsement would pustify the rank and file of our members in raising the · question of integrity of delegates so voting. thus destroying the confidence in our representative men, and thereby undermining the

very foundation of our movement, inviting
5. To sanction
universal disintegration.
this at this session would be but an entering
wedge to open wide our doors for subsequent
legislation of this kind, and the lobbyist
armed with a corruption fund, and with
loud pretenses for labor's interest, would be
a fixed institution in our midst, polluting
the very atmosphere in which he moves. With
all confidence destroyed in one another, we
would find ourselves overwhelmed by the
greatest disaster that could possibly befall
the masses struggling for a higher civiliza-
tion. 6. Even were the principle of gov
ernment subsidies permissible in justice and
equity, it would be unwise for this body to
commit itself to shipbuilding subsidies until
the shipbuilders of this country unionized
their plants, and show by such conduct that
they are in harmony with the objects of or-
ganized labor.

(1900, p. 26) Report made that A. F. of L. objections had been submitted to bill providing for ship subsidies.

We find that the (1906, pp. 27-180) ship subsidy bill before Congress provides for enlistment of seamen in the naval service, and, in fact, makes employment on a subsidized vessel conditional upon such enlistment. It is equal to a law which would make it necessary for a carpenter, a miner, a molder, or any other tradesman to become a member of and remain in the National Guard before he could work at his trade within the state in which he lives. Th theory upon which the bill is drawn and the reasons given by its advocates, are that we have not the vessels needed as auxiliaries to the navy, and not at all the men needed Acceptto man the navy in time of war. ing these contentions as facts it is contended as reasons therefor that the cost of building a vessel in an American shipyard and the cost of sailing a vessel under the American flag in the foreign trade is so much higher than that under other flags that a subsidy is necessary. It is further contended that shall have with an adequate subsidy we we

more vessels, and having more vessels shall have all the native or naturalized seamen needed.

That we have not now the necessary number of native or naturalized seamen needed for the merchant marine and the navy is a fact not disputed; it is patent to all who are at all acquainted with maritime conditions. The American boy is not seeking the sea as a means of livelihood, and the American man at sea is seeking and finding more remunerative agreeable and more employ. ment on shore. There is employed at present, according to the census, about 120,000 men as seamen or deep-sea fishermen under our flag, and among the seamen from 10 to 15 per cent are either natives or naturalized, the rest are men owing allegiance to other flags and not subject to draft upon order of the President If the seamen and fishermen employed in our fisheries and our coastwise and lake trade were either native or naturalized Americans, the number of men necessary for the navy could at any time be obtained. The difficulty, therefore, lies not so much in the number of men as and the in the number of men available, primary cause is that for some reasons the American does not seek the sea or remain there. If the American does not seek the coastwise trade, where there is no competi

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