66 XV. 1728. on another occasion, when he said that "little, CHAP. low, partial, Electoral notions are able to stop "or confound the best conducted project for the "public?" Nevertheless, so strong was the party in power, that 280 voted with, and only 84 against them. * Of a similar tendency was a treaty just concluded with the Duke of Brunswick, stipulating a subsidy of 25,000l. a year to him during four years, whilst, on his part, he was to furnish, if required, 5000 men. In this temper of the House a discussion between Walpole and Pulteney afforded a certain triumph to the former. Pulteney asserted that, in spite of the Sinking Fund, the public burthens had increased instead of diminishing since 1716. Such statements, enforced in an able pamphlet, and in several numbers of the "Craftsman," began to pass current upon the public. On the other hand, it was maintained by Walpole, in the House of Commons, that 6,000,000l. had been discharged since that year; and that, allowing for new debts, the decrease was still no less than 2,500,000l. Pulteney defended his calculations, adding, that he should be prepared to prove them in a few days, and would stake his reputation on their accuracy. Accordingly, on the 4th of March, there ensued a sort of pitched battle between the rival statesmen, when the state Horace Walpole to Sir Robert, September 1. 1739. CHAP. ment of Walpole was affirmed by a large majority, XV. and afterwards embodied in a Report, which was laid before the King. 1728. The opposition hoped to be more successful in calling for a specific account of so large a sum as 250,000l., which was charged for Secret Service. Walpole gave the usual answer, that the public interest would suffer by the disclosure; and the debate was still proceeding when some important news arrived. The King of Spain, on learning the death of George the First, had determined not to ratify the preliminaries signed in his name, but without his authority, at Vienna. He hoped to see, not merely a change of administration but a change of dynasty follow the Royal decease in England; he expected, at least, great discord and divisions in the new Parliament: but finding the result quite otherwise, and unable to stand alone against the Hanover allies, his reluctance at length gave way. From his country palace he issued what was termed the Act of the Pardo, accepting the preliminaries with France and England, and referring further difficulties to a Congress, about to be held at Soissons. The express which brought this intelligence reached Walpole in the midst of his speech on the Secret Service; he immediately availed himself of this event, and having communicated it to the House, added, that the country would now be relieved from the burthen of its late expenses, and that he could assure the Members who clamoured for an account of the Secret Ser XV. 1728. vice money, that it had been expended in obtain- CHAP. ing that peace, of which the preliminaries were just signed. So much satisfaction did this news spread through the House, that the question was instantly called for, and passed without a division. In fact, to the end of this Session (I might almost say, of this Parliament) the ministerial numbers continued steady, and even increasing; and verified the shrewd saying, that a good majority, like a good sum of money, soon makes itself bigger.* At the Congress, which opened in the month of June, the English plenipotentiaries were William Stanhope, Poyntz, and Horace Walpole. The business at Paris was intrusted to Lord Waldegrave, whom Horace Walpole praises for "a good “understanding:" but still more for what was most requisite under Sir Robert, "a supple and "inoffensive disposition." At the Hague our interests were most ably conducted by the Earl of Chesterfield, one of the most shining characters of this age; whom Smollett, though with much party spirit, goes so far as to call the only man of genius employed under Walpole.‡ The Congress of Soissons, however, proved a worthy counterpart of the Congress of Cambray. It was a mere routine of forms. a dull accumulation of endless memorials and counter memorials, without leading to the decision of a single disputed * Walpole's Letters to Mann, December 3. 1741. + Coxe's Walpole, vol. iii. p. 8. History of England, book ii. ch. 4. XV. 1728. CHAP. point. A proposal for a provisional instead of a definitive treaty equally failed, and it became necessary to revert once more to separate negotiations. "It is evident to us all here," writes Townshend, "that this nation will not long bear this uncertain "state of things." It was lamented in the King's Speech, when Parliament met again in January, 1729, "and I am not insensible," said His Majesty, "that some may be induced to think that an actual war is preferable to such a doubtful and imper"fect peace; but the exchange is very easy to be "made at any time!" 1729. 66 Although the Session of 1729 was almost entirely engrossed with Foreign affairs, there are two other of its transactions that seem deserving of attention. The first was, the expression of the public joy and loyal congratulations to the King at the arrival of Frederick Prince of Wales. For some reason not very clear, but probably to gratify the Hanoverian party, the young Prince had never been allowed to visit England in the lifetime of George the First. He now came over at the age of twentyone, a pledge of the Protestant succession, and not without qualities to captivate the multitude, who are always apt to love an heir apparent better than a King. I shall have occasion to show how soon this fair prospect was clouded and darkened by faction, and how scrupulously Frederick followed his father's example in caballing against him. *To Mr. Poyntz, February 21. 1729. XV. 1729. Another affair this Session, in which the Court CHAP. was less honourably mingled, was a motion for granting His Majesty 115,000l. to supply a deficiency in the Civil List. It afterwards appeared that in truth there was no such deficiency, yet the Minister persevered and carried the Bill by a large majority. The transaction was very painful to Walpole, and no less injurious to his public character; and he is said to have used every argument with the Court to dissuade it from urging the demand. We are told also that the resistance to it in the House of Lords was very strong, although (so strictly were their standing orders enforced) no report at all, however meagre, appears of their debates in this and the foregoing session. Indeed, had it depended on the wish of the House of Commons, their debates also would have remained wholly unrecorded. A complaint being made to the House of one Raikes, a printer of Gloucester, who had published some reports of their proceedings, they passed an unanimous resolution on the 26th of February, "That it is an in dignity to, and a breach of the privilege of, this "House for any person to presume to give in "written or printed newspapers any account or "minutes of the debates or other proceedings of "this House, or of any Committee thereof." And, "that upon discovery of the authors, printers, or 'publishers, this House will proceed against the "offenders with the utmost severity." 66 The points on which it had been found most |