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less a benefit. The working classes were not at CHAP. all concerned in the question, since the retailers already sold tobacco at the rate of duty paid. Thus, 1733. then, unless we are prepared to say, with Sir William Wyndham, that "in all countries, excises of every ["kind are looked on as badges of slavery," we shall rather join some of the ablest writers on finance of later times in approving the main principles and objects of Walpole's scheme.t

Far different was the language of the Opposition of the day. In answer to the complaint of previous misinterpretation, Sir John Barnard declared it “such a scheme as cannot, even by malice itself, "be represented to be worse than it really is!" Pulteney assailed it with raillery. "It puts me in "mind of Sir Ephraim Mammon in the Alchemist: "he was gulled out of his money by fine promises; "he was promised the philosopher's stone, by which "he was to get mountains of gold, and every thing "else he could desire, but all ended at last in some "little charm for curing the itch!" The eloquence of Wyndham was more solemn: he thundered against corrupt motives and impending tyranny, and evoked the shades of Empson and Dudley, those two unworthy favourites of old time. "But

"what," he added, "was their fate? They had the "misfortune to outlive their master, and his son, as 66 soon as he came to the throne, took off both their

* Parl. Hist. vol. viii. p. 1302.

See especially Smith's Wealth of Nations, vol. iii. p. 358. ed. 1784, and Sinclair's History of the Revenue, part iii. P. 28.

CHAP. " heads!"-no obscure allusion to Frederick Prince of Wales, who was then present under the gallery.

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1733.

On the other hand, Walpole was ably supported> by Sir Philip Yorke the Attorney-General, who" had already several times shone in debate, and ́ ́ was gradually rising into one of the greatest › lawyers and statesmen that this country can boast. He had also the unexpected aid of Sir Joseph Jekyll, Master of the Rolls, a very indifferent speaker, and somewhat open to ridicule in his dress and deportment, but a man of the highest benevolence and probity. Pope has summed up his cha racter as one" who never changed his principle "or wig." In his opinions, he had that sort of wavering temper which is sometimes applauded as independence, sometimes censured as indecision, which inclined him alternately to each side, and which made his vote on any impending question utterly uncertain. In this case, he protested that he had come to the House undetermined, but been convinced by the powerful arguments of Walpole, and he accordingly rose to speak in favour of the scheme. *

But whichever might be thought the most eloquent or the most reasonable, there could be no doubt which was the most popular side. During the debate, the doors were beset by immense multitudes, all clamorous against the new measure, and convened partly, perhaps, by the efforts of the

*Lord Harrington to Lord Essex, March 15. 1733. See Appendix.

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Opposition*, but still more by their own belief that CHAP. some dreadful evil was designed them. To this concourse Sir Robert referred in his reply:-"Gen"tlemen may give them what name they think fit; "it may be said they came hither as humble sup

plicants, but I know whom the law calls STURDY "BEGGARS,”—a most unguarded expression! For though the Minister meant it only to denote their fierce and formidable clamours, yet it was ever afterwards flung in his teeth as though he had wished to insult the poverty of the people and debar their right of petition; and the phrase immediately became the war-whoop of the opponents to the bill.

At two o'clock in the morning, and after thirteen hours' debate, the House divided, and the numbers were found to be, for the measure 266, against it 205;-a victory, indeed, for the Minister, but a large and most alarming increase of the usual minority against him. As Sir Robert went out to his carriage some of the "sturdy beggars," highly exasperated, seized him by the cloak, and might have done him some injury, had not Mr. Pelham interposed. t

Two days afterwards, on reporting the resolutions carried in Committee, the debate was resumed

"To my certain knowledge some very odd methods were "used to bring such multitudes hither: circular letters were "wrote and sent by the beadles in the most unprecedented "manner....... This I am certain of, because I have now one "of those letters in my pocket." Walpole's Speech in reply.

† An erroneous version of this anecdote in Coxe's Walpole is corrected by himself in his Memoirs of Pelham (vol.i. p. 10.); yet several subsequent writers have continued to follow the former.

1733.

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1733.

CHAP. with fresh vigour on the part of the Opposition. Sir John Barnard made a most able practical speech; and Pulteney's was distinguished at least by the former quality. "It is well known," said he, "that every one of the public offices have already "so many boroughs or corporations which they "look on as their properties. There are some boroughs which may be called Treasury boroughs; "there are others which may be called Admiralty 'boroughs; in short, it may be said that nearly all "the towns upon the sea-coast are already seized

66

on, and, in a manner, taken prisoners by the "officers of the Crown; in most of them they have "so great an influence, that none can be chosen "members of Parliament but such as they are

pleased to recommend. But as the customs are "confined to our sea-ports, as they cannot travel "far from the coast, therefore this scheme seems "to be contrived in order to extend the laws of "excise, and thereby to extend the influence of "the Crown over all the inland towns and cor

porations in England. This seems plainly to be "the chief design of the scheme now under our "consideration, and if it succeeds, -which God "forbid it should, I do not know but some of "us may live to see some vain over-grown minister "of state driving along the streets with six mem

bers of Parliament behind his coach!". However, in spite of such judicious predictions, the resolutions were carried by the same majority as before. Several other debates and divisions ensued before

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1733.

the Bill came to a second reading, but the majority CHAP. in these gradually dwindled from sixty to sixteen. 9. During this time, also, the popular ferment grew higher and higher. Petitions poured in from several large towns. The Common Council of London indited the most violent of all, under the guidance of Alderman Barber, a noted Jacobite, who had been Swift's and Bolingbroke's printer, and was now Lord Mayor. The instructions sent by different places to their representatives to oppose 'the Bill were collected and published together, so as to stir and diffuse the flame; and the Minister was pelted by innumerable other pamphlets; various in talent, but all equal in virulence. "The

public," says a contemporary, "was so heated "with papers and pamphlets, that matters rose "next to a rebellion." * One or two extracts will show the prevailing spirit: "I remember to have "read of some state, wherein it was the custom "that if any one should propose a new law, he "must do it with a rope about his neck, that in "case it were judged prejudicial, he might very

fairly be hanged up for his pains without further "ceremony. I heartily wish that law had been in "force amongst us."+" Philip the Second hav

ing a mind to settle the Inquisition in the seven"teen Provinces, as he already had in Spain, gave “Cardinal Granvelle orders to establish that bloody "tribunal there; and the people making some re"sistance against it, the Cardinal was guilty of

* Tindal's Hist. vol. viii. p. 172.

The Vintner and Tobacconist's Advocate, p. 1.