16. The Federal Compensation for Injuries act, amended. 17. The Industrial Commission bill. 18. The inhuman stop watch, high-speed schemes of employers to drive workmen have been investigated and rejected by a competent committee of the House. 19. Publications by the trade unions and fraternities have been fostered by the passage through the House of the "Dodd's bill." 20. By the enacting of the Plate Printers' bill, the people's money will be protected from the sharp practice of counterfeiters. 21. The securing of an appropriation of $20,000 from the House Appropriations Committee for a continuance of the investigation of the working conditions in the iron and steel industries by the Department of Commerce and Labor. 22. Securing an increase in salaries for employes of the Bureau of Labor. 23. Retention in the Bureau of Labor of the normal duties of the Bureau. 24. Eight-hours for railroad telegraphers, H. R. 25040, was reported out of the Committee of the House on Interstate Commerce on August 6, 1912, and is on the calendar of the House for early consideration at the next session of Congress; also an amendment to the Erdman act, which is in the same position. 25. Musicians' bill-House joint resolution No. 202, known as the Musicians' bill, which provides that enlisted musicians shall not come in competition with civilian musicians has been favorably reported by the House Committee on Labor, and is now on the calendar. This will probably pass at the next session of Congress. 26. An increase of 5 cents per hour was obtained for the printing pressmen in the Government Printing Office at Washington, D. C. While the representatives of the printing pressmen were endeavoring to obtain an increase of 10 cents per hour, your Legislative Committee assisted materially in obtaining an increase of 5 cents per hour. Until your Legislative Committee became interested in this item there was little or no disposition shown on the part of the members of the House or Senate to grant any increase. 27. Free Smoker bill, H. R. 24741, by Mr. Peters, passed the House by unanimous vote on Tuesday, July 16, 1912. 28. Porto Rico-The Citizenship bill for Porto Rico has passed the House and is now in the Senate Committee. The bills that passed the Senate and are pending in the House are the 1. Workmen's Compensation bill. 2. Immigration bill. The bills that passed both Houses of Congress and became law are— 1. Rights of hearing, petition, and assɔciation restored to Post-Office employes. 2. Popular election of Senators. 3. General Eight-Hour bill. 4. Eight hours in the Fortification bill. 5. Eight hours in the Naval bill. 6. Eight hours for letter carriers and clerks in Post-Offices. 7. Phosphorus Match bill. 8. Children's Bureau bill. 9. Extension of Federal Compensation for Injuries act. 10. Industrial Relations Commission. 11. Second-class postage rates for trade union and fraternal publications (Dodds amendment). Respectfully submitted, ARTHUR E. HOLDER, JOHN A. MOFFITT, GRANT HAMILTON, Legislative Committee, A. F. of L. LABOR'S APPRECIATION. WEcan not express too great an appreciation of the work done in the interests of labor and humanity by the fifteen trade union members in the House of Representatives, by the Democratic members of both the House and Senate, as well as the assistance rendered by Progressive Republi cans. PROGRAM REAFFIRMED. The Executive Council declares that the program and policy, as carried on by the American Federation of Labor as authorized by its conventions, through the Executive Council, the Labor Representation Committee, and the organized workers throughout the country, is hereby reaffirmed and recommended to all, and urges that the program and policy should be persistently pursued in the pending campaign of 1912 for the election of candidates for President, Congressmen, State Legislatures, and the Judiciary, in short, for all candidates for all political offices. LABOR'S DUTY. To our fellow-workers and fellow-citizens all over America, we urge that TRADE UNION MEN BE NOMINATED AND ELECTED to Municipal, County, and State offices; that Trade Union Men represent its interests in the State Legislatures and in Congress. Let organized labor's slogan live in its deeds STAND FAITHFULLY BY OUR FRIENDS, OPPOSE AND DEFEAT OUR ENEMIES, whether For Congress or other offices, whether Men of labor, stand true. SAMUEL GOMPERS, President. TH THE LAWRENCE DYNAMITE CONSPIRACY. By SAMUEL Gompers. HE secret ways and means of business organizations are rarely revealed to public view. Consequently it is most difficult for one not actually in the fight to realize the subtle forces, drastic and insidious powers brought to bear upon any hindrance to profits, and especially upon the workers, to prevent agitation and organization on their part to secure a more just proportion in the distribution of the wealth which they create. So subtle and intricate are the ramifications of these forces, to such sources do the trails of influence lead, that the uninitiated place little credence in the frequent charges made by those who know against the men "higher up." Yet even a superficial study of modern business reveals the tremendous power wielded by those who have amassed great fortunes-power often so used as to militate against progress, and the freedom and virtue of those coming in contact with the wealth possessors. The already famous Lawrence textile strike has recently developed a more startling sequel and apparently is yet to perform another service to the workingmen in furnishing public substantiation for such charges against men "higher up." The re-opening of the dynamite case, the suicide of a prominent man summoned to appear before the grand jury, the arrest of a prominent manufacturer and of the head of the great woolen trust of New England, have attracted universal attention. Last January, at a most propitious time, when the public mind had been prepared by the recent revelation of conditions in the industrial world, public sympathy and attention were distracted from the main issues in the Lawrence textile strike by dynamite explosions and by the "discovery" of dynamite in the houses of some of the working people. So effectually did the plan succeed that few followed carefully the subsequent development and the strange facts that appeared in the course of the dynamite trial. But a most curious story was brought out. As a result the simple foreigners arrested on the dynamite charge were acquitted and a certain John J. Breen was arrested and convicted. John J. Breen, son of the late ex-Mayor of Lawrence, was a wellknown man about the town and had hosts of friends among the mill owners and politicians. He had been elected alderman at one time, and was then serving as school committeeman. Among his most intimate friends was a reporter working on a Boston paper who had run a Lawrence weekly paper that was largely dependent upon its political advertisements. Another special friend was an employe in the woolen mills, reputed to be in confidential relations with his employers, and from whom money was said to come. Two other particular friends were Inspector Rooney of the Boston force and Patrolman Woodcock of Lawrence who had been demoted from the position of inspector. All of the evidence and information brought out in the dynamite case lead directly back to Breen. It appeared that during the week previous to the discovery of the dynamite a certain Boston paper had been making vague and indefinite reference to the existence of dynamite in the possession of the Lawrence strikers. No other papers seemed to possess such information; no other reference was made to the dynamite. The police who made the alleged discovery told the following story: On January 19 Mr. Breen visited his friend, Inspector Rooney, in Boston, and told him that he had positive information that dynamite had been brought into Lawrence, and so positive and reliable was his information that he would soon be able to locate the dynamite exactly. He wished his friend, Inspector Rooney, to have the credit for the find. Inspector Rooney took Mr. Breen to see Chief Dugan, where he again told his story and expressed his absolute certainty of being able to locate the dynamite within a very short time. Chief Dugan delegated three men to hold themselves in readiness to act upon further information from Mr. Breen. That night, about 11:45, after the last train had left for Lawrence, Breen telephoned the men that he had located the dynamite. They offered to come out immediately in a taxicab, but Breen assured them there was no particular hurry, and that the first train in the morning would be soon enough. The three men came out from Boston early in the morning and found the local police force amazed at their story. Inspector Kelleher was the first to appear. He said that Breen told him the evening before to be at the station early the next morning, as Chief O'Sullivan had a big piece of work for him. O'Sullivan himself knew nothing of the affair. When Breen arrived at the station he told the men that part of the dynamite was distributed among some Syrians, and would be found in the house of Joseph Assef, at 292 Oak street. He asked to have his friend Woodcock made one of the party, that by distinguished service he might regain the office of inspector. The police found this house occupied by foreigners, chiefly Syrians. After searching the house they found in a closet in an empty back room, under some papers, several sticks of dynamite. The Syrians, who could speak very little English, protested their innocence and seemed ignorant of the nature of the "find." This alleged find was made in the morning. In the afternoon Breen told the men that another lot of dynamite would be found in Saint Mary's Cemetery, just beyond the Arlington Mill. The men went out, searched long and carefully, but could find nothing. They returned and told Breen that the dynamite was not there. Breen assured them that the dynamite was there; that his information was unfailing; he even offered to go out with them and show them the spot, but the police would not permit this. He then drew for them a rough sketch of the ground and showed them exactly where to look. Again his party of discovery sallied forth; this time they found the dynamite. One of the men in the party said that the dynamite must have been placed there between the first and second trips, because they had been over exactly the same territory the first time. Meantime, Breen had sent another group of men to find dynamite in the house of an Italian cobbler, Urbano De Prato, who lived at 76 Lawrence street. The would-be discoverers, came back reporting no dynamite. Breen sent them back again, giving them yet more definite directions. They found the dynamite after the second effort. The foreigners living in these houses in which the dynamite had been found were arrested. They all told substantially the same story. Some stranger, who spoke English, came and requested permission to leave certain bundles with them. These were the bundles which the police found. The evidence that lead to Breen's arrest was a piece of paper that had been wrapped around the dynamite. The paper had been torn from an Undertakers' Journal-Breen is an undertaker-and Breen's name and address were on the paper. An undertaker who was put on the witness stand, testified that the paper had been torn out of the December issue of the Undertakers' Journal. A search of Breen's house disclosed a file of the Undertakers' Journals; the January issue was there but the December issue was missing. The foreigners were acquitted, and on January 31 Breen was arrested. Another curious circumstance connected with the affair was the appearance on the streets of Lawrence of a Boston paper containing the story of the dynamite "find." simultaneously with the discovery of the dynamite by the police. It is stated that this was the paper on which Breen's friend was working. When questioned by the police as to the source of his information, Breen told the following story: He had received a mysterious letter telling him to go to Rowe's wharf in Boston where he would receive "most valuable and useful information." He went to the wharf and there met a stranger who told him that dynamite had been brought into Lawrence and gave him specific directions in what places it could be found. Breen's trial occurred in May. He had been indicted on two counts— conspiracy to discredit the textile strikers and placing dynamite in the houses of innocent foreigners. Every effort was made to prevent Breen's being placed on the witness stand. He did not testify. He was acquitted of the conspiracy charge, but convicted of placing the dynamite and fined $500. Meantime local sentiment was aroused. Local papers asked why Breen had not been put on the witness stand. They demanded that a thorough investigation be made and that Breen be called before the grand jury of Essex County. The leaders of the textile workers claimed that the dynamite was a "plant" and demanded in the name of justice that an effort be made to reach those behind the conspiracy. In pronouncing sentence upon Breen, Judge Brown gave utterance to this statement: "If what I hear is true, it was a foolish attempt on the part of any man to help a friend." He did not explain what he meant. Speculation was rife. The public felt that some great power had dropped a baffling, impenetrable curtain, shutting them out from the facts in the case, that the trial and sentence placed upon Breen was but an attempt to whitewash. Apparently the truth was to remain a part of the unwritten history of business life—that unwritten history of which the general public |