enacts laws of local application, but Congress has the right to reject any of these acts. The inhabitants elect a delegate who represents them in Congress, but who has no vote. His duty is to tell the House in which he sits the wants of his constituents. When the people of a territory desire to form themselves into a state, they are allowed by Congress to frame and adopt a Constitution. This they present to Congress, for its scrutiny and approval; and Congress may in its discretion reject the instrument, and thus refuse to create the state; and from this decision there is no appeal, except to another ConSome territories, as Colorado, have applied several times for admission as states. The people of a territory do not vote for President.

431. Hitherto we have been fortunate in our territorial acquisitions, for we have gained land encumbered with but few inhabitants, and well fitted by climate, soil, and other natural properties, for the prosperous settlement of our own farmers and mechanics. Thus not only our laws, but, what is of infinitely greater importance, our manners and customs, have been easily transferred to and made dominant in these new lands; and it is one of our greatest pieces of national good-fortune that, with unimportant local differences, we are still, in spite of the vast extension of our boundaries, a homogeneous people -that is to say, a nation whose parts or elements are similar, not only in language, but in habits, customs, manners, methods of thought, and modes of action.

432. If you will think clearly, you will see that what we want, for the future, is not more people, but more land. If we should receive no further additions of population from Europe, we are now so numerous and so prosperous that our numerical increase will be very rapid. But we shall constantly receive great numbers of European immigrants, and these, who readily adapt themselves to our customs, are a welcome addition, and quickly become a part of us. For their descendants and ours, it would be a great advantage if we could secure still more vacant or sparsely settled territory, provided that these new lands were, by their climate and productions, fitted

for settlement by our own people. When, therefore, people use the phrase "Manifest Destiny," they mean-if they reflect at all-not that we ought to, or could without hurt to ourselves, annex indiscriminately all the states adjoining us, but that it is a part of our natural and sound policy to possess ourselves, for the use of our own people, of all the waste and desert lands lying near our boundaries.

433. Plainly, the annexation of tropical islands like Cuba, San Domingo, or the Hawaiian group, does not fall within this policy; for, 1st, these countries have already a tolerably dense population. 2d. This population is alien to ours in race, and in all its habits and customs, as well as in language. 3d. These islands are not suitable to make homes for our farmers and mechanics; on the contrary, their products are grown on estates where a few planters employ, at very low wages, great numbers of rude laborers, and need but a very few intelligent mechanics nor could their industries be profitably pursued in a different way. Finally, the people whom we should have to accept with the land, in annexing these islands or the thickly settled parts of Mexico, are not fitted by character or training for the duties of American citizenship; and, as they occupy the land, there would be but a slender possibility of assimilating them to ourselves. But, on the other hand, we could not with security to ourselves refuse them political rights, if we made them a part of our body politic. It is repugnant to our political theory to hold territories except with the expectation of their speedily becoming states; because otherwise local self-government would be impaired, and the Federal administration would unduly increase its patronage and means of corruption.

434. Thus, as we want land and not people, sound policy tells us not to annex territory which has already an independent and tolerable dense population. But sound policy also urges us to cultivate intimate and friendly relations with our neighbors; and this we can do with advantage to ourselves as well as to them by establishing with them the utmost freedom of commercial exchange. Commerce makes sure and

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faithful allies; and if we were wise enough to establish and maintain absolute free trade with Canada and Mexico, with the Sandwich Islands, with San Domingo. and Hayti, and with Cuba-if, as is probable, that island becomes independent of Spain-we should greatly extend our own commerce, and should have the use of all these countries without the responsibility of ruling them. We should find them willing and faithful allies in case of war; and our own course toward them would preserve them from the aggressions of European powers. In this way, I would like you to believe, we should best fulfill, if not our Manifest Destiny, what is of greater importance, our Manifest Duty, toward these weaker neighbors of ours.

XLIV.

WHEN WE NUMBER ONE HUNDRED MILLIONS.

435. The larger the machine, the more important is it that it shall be built upon sound principles of mechanics, and that it shall be carefully managed in accordance with the laws of its construction; for a break in a machine which weighs a hundred tons and moves at a great speed in all its parts is more disastrous than one in a hand-machine whose momentum is insignificant, even if its speed of revolution should be great.

436. What is true of a piece of machinery in this respect is equally true of a state or nation. The more populous it is, and the more extended its area, the more unwieldy it becomes, the more disturbing is every friction of the parts, and the more vital it is that its managers or rulers shall be made to adhere closely to the principles on which its government is constructed.

437. The fundamental and most vital principle underlying our political system is that called DECENTRALIZATION, by which the duties imposed by the people upon their rulers are divided

among several distinct governments, each acting independently in its sphere, but all subordinate to one general or organic law, called with us the Federal Constitution, and so arranged as to work harmoniously to a common purpose.

438. You have seen, in other sections, how this division of powers is regulated in our political system; and I have explained to you that it has clearly defined objects: namely, to leave as much as possible to the private enterprise and ingenuity of the people; to leave to them also, in the smaller political subdivisions, the direct management of their minor or local affairs, and thus to train them in independence, self-government, and public spirit; secondly, to enable the people easily to control and change their rulers at regular elections, and to do this in one locality without necessarily disturbing the whole country; thirdly, to give the people, in their different subordinate governments, strongholds against possible usurpation of power by the Federal rulers, and in the Federal Government security for peace, order, and free exchange and intercommunication in all the parts; fourthly, to relieve the Central or Federal Government of a multitude of details, the control of which would make it cumbrous, inefficient, and tyrannical, and would dangerously increase the patronage of the Federal rulers and their power to corrupt the people; and, finally, to enable the people of different states, counties, and even townships to determine, each locality for itself, upon local regulations and laws suited to their habits and customs-all of which laws, however, are to be in conformity with the Federal Constitution and the laws of Congress.

439. Thus we secure uniformity in the general system, with independence, variety, and elasticity in details; the least interference with personal liberty, combined with security to person and property.

440. We Americans enjoy the most perfect government in the world; and we owe to it almost all the blessings which make our lives exceptionally happy. Peace, liberty to a degree unknown to the subjects of European powers, free opportunity for the exercise of all our faculties, knowledge and intelligence

within the reach of the humblest citizen, security against injustice, stability of order-these and other blessings we owe, not to the rulers we choose, but to the form of government under which we live, which is as beneficent in what it leaves undone as in what it does.

441. But in all earthly contrivances there is a tendency to change; and it has been noticed that as we increase in population there is an increasing propensity to impose more upon the Federal Government, and to take from the powers of the local governments. This all wise citizens ought to resist, for as we increase in population it is necessary that we shall even add to the number of objects over which the people shall determine and rule in their local governments; for thus only can their political training be continued. If the Federal army should always be held ready to put down local disorders; if the state Legislatures should continue to undertake the government of cities; if the Legislatures or Congress should undertake the adoption of prohibitory laws; if Congress should assume the charge of public education and the control of corporations: by the time we number a hundred millions the American people will have far less public spirit and far less capacity for self-government than now.

442. It is in this direction that wise citizens will strive to guard against future dangers. The inconveniences, the temporary maladministration, and above all the apparent carelessness with which the people condone blunders in their public servants, need not give you occasion for gloomy forebodings. Our people are naturally inattentive to minor details in their governments. They forgive much to their rulers, if only they are convinced that these have an honest desire to serve the public. They are slow to lose their faith in old public servants, and especially in a political party which has once secured their confidence by conspicuous good service.

443. This quality, which is often vexatious, and sometimes causes thoughtful men to despair, is in fact a most valuable trait in any people; for it secures what is of the very greatest importance in public affairs-STABILITY.