X. OF POLITICAL PARTIES. 68. In a free state there are usually two political parties. 69. These have different names, but their motives are independent of names; and it may be said that one of the two great parties in a free state is composed of men who desire change, and the other of men who cling to that which is. As temperaments differ, so men are either Whigs or Democrats, Democrats or Republicans, according as their characters lead them to be conservative, dreading change even when it is for the better, or progressive, welcoming change even if it is for the worse. 70. There is, however, in every free state a third party, little heard of, without organization, which does not seek office, holds no meetings, and owns no banners. It holds the balance of power, and it silently decides the elections, and on the whole in the right way. This party is composed of the citizens who think for themselves, who look on at the strife little moved by partisan appeals, and on election day deposit their votes for the man or the policy which on the whole appears to them likely to best further the good of the state. This party is the terror of professional politicians, and often their confusion. The larger it is in any community, the better will public affairs be managed, for it is this party which punishes inefficiency, corruption, or maladministration of any kind, defeats the caucuses and scratches tickets when corrupt men are nominated. It is to this party I wish you to belong, whether you are a Democrat or a Republican. The or 71. Party government is necessary in a free state. ganization of political parties is the only means by which the sense of the people can be got at elections upon questions of public policy; and by party government only can responsibil ity be fixed upon political leaders, so that these may receive approval or condemnation. A non-partisan government is the dream of weak and amiable men; it belongs to an ideal condition, in which all men shall be unselfish, and sincerely desirous of the public good. In the present condition of mankind, a non-partisan government-one in which both or all political party leaders should share-would be, and has been wherever it was tried, only an admirable and effective device to conceal corruption, because it becomes then the interest of the leaders of both parties to cover up wrong, both having their share of public plunder. Non-partisan boards were a favorite device of the New York City Ring. 72. A political party appeals to the citizens with what we call a platform, which means a statement of the policy it desires to see carried out. Necessarily it also nominates men to enforce this policy in case they are elected by the people. 73. If party leaders always declared their opinions and intentions openly and honestly, and if they nominated only their most capable men, the duty of the citizen would be very simple. But a political platform is often an ingenious jumble of words, intended to attract men of opposite sentiments, and naturally candidates nominated on such platforms are not likely to be men famous for positive principles. In such cases the citizen has to choose the least of two evils, and take comfort in the thought that a country is not badly off in which the people do not find it necessary to decide upon vital principles. It is quite certain that in a free government like ours inefficiency or corruption will be punished by the people just as soon as they become really dangerous to the nation. Reform of evils is a slow work in a free state; because the mass of the people are engrossed in their own affairs, and conservative in their habits of thought, which means that they dislike great and sudden changes, even if they appear to be improvements. This spirit is an admirable one: though often inconvenient and sometimes costly, it gives stability to political and social institutions; and stability is a main condition of progress. Thus the people of the United States came very slowly to the opinion that slavery ought to be extirpated. A beneficent despot might have set the slaves free by a single mandate; but as he would have acted regardless of the opinions of the mass of the people, his edict would probably have caused a revolution, or at least grave and long-continued disorders; whereas, in our slow republican way, we discussed the question for thirty years; but when slavery struck at the national life, the nation presently consented to abolish the evil. XI. WHO VOTE, AND WHY. 74. Women, minors, paupers, and insane persons have no vote in the United States. 75. In some countries the electoral franchise, as the right to vote is called, is still further limited to persons who can read and write, or to persons possessing a specified amount of property, or paying a certain annual rent for the premises they occupy. 76. Property qualifications originally obtained in a number of our states, but they have gradually been abolished. 77. An educational qualification is proposed in some states, and will probably be adopted in many within the next few years. Where public or free schools are made accessible to the whole population, there would be no injustice in requiring that only those shall vote who can both read and write. 78. Minors, or persons under age, and paupers are not allowed to vote because they are dependent; and it is presumable that they would vote under coercion, and not according to their independent judgment. Moreover, a person incapable of managing his private business ought not to have a voice or influence in public affairs. It is probable that women are denied the vote for the same reason-because the greater part of them are in a dependent condition; and the law takes no note of exceptions. 79. General manhood suffrage, which prevails in the United States, is required by justice, and is necessary to the perpetuation of peace in a community or nation. By his vote each man has his influence upon those affairs which are common to all the citizens; if he is outvoted, he is still satisfied, because it was his hope to outvote his opponents, and it is his hope to have the majority with him at another time. 80. It is sometimes urged that only those who possess property ought to be allowed to vote taxes and appropriations for public purposes. This proposition has an appearance of justice; but, besides being generally impracticable, it rests upon a wrong view of society. It supposes a degree of meanness and bad spirit in the poor, and of intelligence and liberality in the wealthy, which we do not find in actual life; and it would facilitate a division of men into classes, the poor arrayed against the rich, which, if it existed, would make free government almost if not quite impossible. 81. Suppose even that the poor were not only the most numerous, but also the least intelligent and the most selfish, which is not true: it is still a fact that the rich and intelligent possess great influence over their poorer neighbors, by reason of their greater means and knowledge, which it is their duty to use for the general good. Any regulation which would make it unnecessary for them to use this influence, or to take that part in political affairs which is necessary to give them their natural and just predominance (arising from the possession of wealth and intelligence), would be an injury to the commonwealth. 82. If general manhood suffrage any where leads the poor to vote money out of the pockets of the rich, wastefully, or for needless or corrupt purposes, the reason is that the rich have abdicated their proper place and influence in political society, and have selfishly given themselves to mere moneygetting or a life of pleasure, by which they endanger not only themselves, but, what is of greater consequence, the stability of the community. It is an additional argument in favor of general suffrage if it compels the wealthy and intelligent, as an act of unavoidable self-defense, to exercise that influence in political affairs which justly and naturally belongs to them; and if it reminds them that their prosperous fortunes bring with them duties and responsibilities. 83. Take notice that a free state or republic can not remain prosperous if the more fortunate of its citizens withdraw themselves from political duties to devote their lives to money-getting or to pleasure. Take notice, too, that when a rich man complains that his poorer neighbors-many of whom he probably employs-vote against his interest, you will find that he conducts himself toward them selfishly, and thus loses the influence which his wealth naturally gives him if he rightly uses it. 84. Under our system the states have the exclusive power of declaring, each for itself, which of the citizens shall vote; being prohibited only from excluding persons on account of race, color, or previous condition of slavery. They can not, however, give the franchise indiscriminately, for the Federal Government has the exclusive authority to declare who shall be citizens. But any state may adopt an educational or property franchise or condition, only making it equally applicable to all its citizens. The advisability of enacting an educational qualification for voters is now discussed in several states, and by many thoughtful persons, and will probably be generally adopted in time. XII. WHAT OFFICERS SHOULD NOT BE ELECTED. 85. In order to enable the people to take an intelligent and real interest in politics, it is necessary that they shall have to elect but few persons. 86. The persons who compose the law-making body ought to be elected, and at frequent intervals, in order that they may come fresh from the people, and know their will; also, the law-making body should be numerous, so that responsibility |