free nations are wisely made to secure these ends. Thus we have two Houses, each of which must separately discuss and agree to a bill before it can become a law; one of those Houses chosen by a different set of electors or for a longer term than the other; the executive veto-which, bear in mind, is solely to ask the two Houses to reconsider their bill, and not at all to obstruct or abrogate the law-for when it once becomes a law in spite of his veto, the executive is bound to enforce it. To the same end are all the Parliamentary rules and forms which cause delay in the passage of new laws.

107. All these are wholesome and necessary checks on the law-making power. It is therefore a great blunder to accuse Congress or a state Legislature, as inconsiderate people sometimes do, of "wasting time in debate." A representative body is never so usefully employed as when engaged in discussing the measures before it; and it is never so dangerous to the people as when the majority are strong enough to prevent debate, and pass laws by the mere overwhelming force of votes; because laws so passed, without discussion—which means examination—are likely to be unwise.

108. Another reproach which is sometimes cast at our legislative bodies is that the ablest men are not chosen to seats. But our Congress and Legislatures do not pretend to be collections of the ablest men in the nation. They are representative bodies; and the delegates are supposed to represent the constituencies. Of course you are to understand that a representative is not a mere delegate to utter the voice of his constituents. He is sent to exercise his independent judgment on pending questions, and not to record what their whims or temporary passions may dictate. He is their wise man, and not their slave. If the people of any district East or West send an unfit or dishonest person, that is their risk: they leave themselves without influence in the House. Our Congress does not contain the most brilliant men in the nation, nor all the ablest men; but it has a great body of solid ability always; and it is the better for containing little genius.

109. Any one who is familiar with Washington or our state

capitals knows that constituencies gain immensely in political power by sending able men as delegates, and lose when they send demagogues; and also that the influence of a political district may be very much increased by keeping the same man a long time in its service. But if the people in any district or state choose, negligently or perversely, to send only inexperienced or incapable men, that is their business and their loss. Remember always that ours is a representative government, and not a government of the ablest men; and that if there is any where a constituency composed mainly of foolish or ignorant or misguided people, they have a right to be heard, and their folly is likely to be the sooner exploded if it is officially displayed in Congress, and there subjected to the fire of open criticism.

XV.

OF TOWN MEETINGS.

110. A town, or township, is the smallest political subdivision we recognize. The school district is only to regulate the free school. The wards in cities are the equivalents of the townships in the country.

111. When the people of a town (or township, as they say in most of the states) meet together annually to discuss the affairs of their township, to elect its officers, appropriate the money required to carry on its affairs, criticise what has been done or left undone in the past year, and to declare, after discussion, what shall be done or left undone in its local concerns during the year to come- -that is a Town Meeting.

112. In such a place each citizen has opportunity to bring up such suggestions as he pleases, recommending them with his best ability; there alone the people act directly, and not by delegates; and by this democratic parliament the local affairs of the township-its roads, schools, police, health-can and will be the most efficiently and economically managed.

113. The town meetings have been called the nurseries of free government, because, in them the people learn the art of self-government; public spirit is developed, because each citizen may exercise a direct influence upon affairs with which he is familiar; men become skilled in debate, and, what is more important, learn to submit quietly to the majority when that happens to decide against their wishes. In those states where town meetings are held, they have always had an important influence upon the political character of the population. Unfortunately in most of our states the town meeting is unknown or has fallen into disuse, and the powers which it ought to exercise are scattered among county and district officers, to the destruction of one of our most important political organizations.

XVI.

OF EDUCATION.

114. A certain degree of intelligence is necessary to make a man a good citizen of a free state. Experience has proved that an elementary education is very helpful to any one in acquiring this degree of intelligence; though, pray remark, it is not absolutely essential nor absolutely effective in all cases— for both you and I know a man who can neither read nor write, but whose good sense and sound judgment make him a very admirable citizen; and I have known a number of persons whom even an academic or college education has not made his equals. Bear in mind therefore that what we call education is not the equivalent of intelligence, but only a very helpful means to it.

115. An elementary education, also, is absolutely necessary in these days to enable a man to serve successfully in any but the very lowest occupations, and its general diffusion is therefore a means to increase the prosperity of a community, and to prevent pauperism as well as crime.

116. Hence the necessity of schools, and the justification of

free or public schools. Such a school, maintained and inspected by the state, is not a charitable but a political institution, in the broadest sense. It is to the interest of all the citi zens that every child in the state shall have so much education as shall enable it to comprehend our political institutions, and to follow intelligently some useful industry. That much the state, in the common interest, ought to provide free of charge. for all. A child which at fourteen or fifteen has been thoroughly drilled in reading, writing, arithmetic, drawing, and the simpler parts of physical geography, and if possible musical notation, is fitted either to begin to learn a trade, or, if its parents desire, to enter a higher school or academy for further studies. It is not required for the safety or welfare of the state that all the children shall be trained or prepared for professional or business life.

117. A compulsory school law ought to include the children of the wealthy as well as those of the poor; and it ought to compel attendance during four years-say from ten to fourteen. The free schools serve an important political use by bringing all the children of the community together in a way which makes citizens of all classes know each other, and thus prevents that alienation of the less from the more prosperous, which is a grave danger to free government.

118. It has been found very difficult, in most of our states which have attempted it, to enforce compulsory school attendance under a general law; and this is one of the cases, of which I shall speak to you farther on, where it is wiser to allow the people of a county or town or school district to decide; letting each minor locality determine for itself whether or not it will compel attendance at school. The question is new to most of our people; and a compulsory law is not likely to be enforced until its importance is more generally felt. Again, in the Southern States, prejudice of race would make a law or regulation compelling the attendance of white and black children in the same schools hateful to the whites and painful to the colored children; and such a law would therefore be highly unwise, and is not likely to be adopted very soon by

any of those states. Yet the white people of the Southern States would act most unwisely did they neglect or refuse to provide free schools for the colored children. For to allow any child, colored or white, to go without a common-school education is a costly blunder; because such neglect will increase crime and pauperism—both of which cost the tax-payers dear.

XVII.

OF TAXES.

119. The tax is what the citizen pays out of his earnings or wealth, or both, to defray the necessary cost of protecting his life and property-to enable him to produce, accumulate, and exchange with security and convenience, without devoting a part of his time and strength to the labor of defending himself and guarding his accumulations against robbers.

120. This general defense of the lives and property of all we delegate to governments; and it results that when a government levies taxes, and yet fails to make the life and property of every individual secure, it fails of its duty, and robs the tax-payer.

121. Free government is the best, because under it the people are able constantly to hold their government responsible, and force its officers to fulfill their duties, and to conduct affairs economically; or, if they fail, to remove them and put more capable men in their places.

122. We delegate to the government-federal, state, city, or county—also some other duties besides that of protecting us in life and property, as I have before told you: such as carrying the mails, building and repairing roads, the survey of lands, the improvement of harbors, etc. To defray the cost of these undertakings we must pay also a general contribution, which is improperly called a tax. It is in fact an assessment, upon each person, for an improvement in the benefits of which he shares; and for this assessment he therefore gets some return in con