of 30,000 CHAP.

assembly coupled their demands, of the pay of 30,000 men-at-arms for a year, fell to the ground. The duke at the same time refused the request of the estates that he should liberate the King of Navarre. Humbled as the throne was, the duke would not facilitate its usurpation by an exasperated rival, nor did he wish to give the democratic party a chief so powerful as a prince of the blood. There was no formal prorogation of the estates or refusal of their demands by the lieutenant of the kingdom: he merely besought the members to return to their provinces. He himself, he said, was about to repair to his uncle, the emperor, at Metz, to consult with him concerning the ransom of the king. When the Duke of Normandy left Paris upon this journey, Queen Jeanne also withdrew to Burgundy.

The moment was critical for the monarchy. The representatives of the three orders were every where usurping the powers of the crown. Those of Languedoc, assembled at Toulouse, in ordaining a tax, appointed their own receivers to levy and dispense it, and raise 4000 men, as well to support their authority as defend the provinces. The estates of Paris, on learning the ravages of Godfrey Harcourt in Normandy, collected 300 lances and 500 men-at-arms, and commissioned four gentlemen to lead them. Meeting Harcourt and his force near Coutances, this parliamentary army allowed his archers to expend their missiles, and then rushed upon them and defeated them. Godfrey de Harcourt was amongst those who perished.

If the commons were thus encroaching and bold, the prince was imprudent. The original and chief cause of complaint with the industrious and trading classes was the adulteration of the coin, and promises upon promises had been given, especially by the Duke of Normandy, that the expedient should not be again employed. Yet, when he departed to Metz, he left orders with his brother to issue a debased coinage of moutons. They

XI.

СПАР.
XI.

tried the experiment; but no sooner did the first pieces of new money make their appearance, than Marcel and the town authorities interfered, and the Duke of Anjou was obliged to suspend the coinage until the return of his elder brother from Metz. Charles did return, and evidently with the intention of asserting, not abandoning, his authority. For he assumed the title of regent, and came accompanied by the obnoxious Chancellor La Foret, who, for personal security, had obtained the dignity of cardinal.

Regent and cardinal made the first trial of their authority in endeavouring to force the citizens to receive the new coin. For answer, Marcel ordered the traders to arm, marshal their ranks along the streets, and proceed with banners flying towards the palace. Without any force capable of resisting, the regent was alarmed, and, summoning Marcel, consented to yield. The estates were to be again summoned, and the high functionaries accused by the assembly, including the chancellor, were obliged to withdraw.

Whilst the regent and the civic authorities of Paris renewed these scenes of mutual distrust and defiance, the country fell into anarchy. Philip of Navarre regained possession of Evreux. Bands of mercenaries (soudoyers) no longer receiving pay from any party, set up for themselves, seized towns and castles, the barons doing the same; and nothing but ravage and plunder prevailed throughout the land. "The male population," says the continuator of Nangis, "unable to remain in their villages, flocked to Paris with their families and chattels. Monks and nuns were compelled to follow their example. Those of Poissy, Longchamps, St. Antoine, and St. Marcel, were all obliged to remain within the walls." Famine and want of employ began the more to be felt; and all those circumstances which contribute to produce the turbulent and revolutionary state of a capital, were furnished by the events and disasters of this early time.

The estates again assembled in February, 1357, the deputies of towns in still greater numbers; but Marcel and Lecoq acquired a valuable colleague in the lord of Picquigny upon the Somme, who was as eager against the court as they were, whilst he could boast what they wanted, the quality of a military commander and the rank of a knight and a noble.* The first act of the States was a petition of grievances, a complaint of the ministers and of the chancellor, whom the regent persisted in retaining; it complained that all the measures of reform were obstructed; and the demand of the former estates was repeated, of a council to be chosen from those elected by the estates, in which was to be vested all administrative and royal power.

Charles now found himself so completely at the mercy of the States, having failed to obtain money or supporters independent of them, that he resolved to bow before the storm, and accept the demands made of him. He consented, therefore, to the appointment of the Council of Thirty-six, who were to raise the taxes, appoint officers, and exercise all the functions of govern

ment.

It was apparently fortunate, but probably the reverse for France, that Edward the Third did not follow up the victory of Poitiers by invading and attacking that country with all the forces he could collect. Such menace might have compelled the democratic leaders to humble their pretensions, and conciliate the noblesse ; but the English seemed to base their hopes on a peaceable agreement with John, who, in addition to paying a ransom of 600,000 florins, which was the sum fixed, according to Walsingham, would, no doubt, have ceded to the English all they held in France, without homage.

* Picquigny was no doubt descended from that John of Picquigny, who was seneschal of Toulouse in the reign of Philip the

Fair, and who was such a foe of
the Inquisition. He was thus of
the functionary as well as of the
noble class.

CHAP.

XI.

XI.

CHAP. But Marcel and Lecoq showed no anxiety for the king's return; and the Black Prince brought the royal captive to England, giving the Gascons 100,000 livres by way of compensation for their share in the capture. John was honourably received; he entered London on a white charger, whilst the Prince of Wales ambled by his side on a small palfrey; and the French monarch was royally lodged at Windsor. In order, at the same time, to allow John the opportunity of collecting his ransom and disposing his subjects to a treaty with England, a truce was concluded for two years, which certainly was on the part of Edward a policy of great forbearance and even generosity. It stated that the object was neither to distress nor conquer France, but to obtain from it a fair and definite settlement.

John, however, had no authority, his son no power; whilst the leaders in the estates or Grand Council, although they had many grievances which were justly complained of, and many abuses which imperatively cried for remedy, knew but vaguely what they aimed

at.

The perpetuation of their own supremacy was impossible without conciliating or crushing rival or dominant classes. And though the Regent Charles had submitted momentarily, his acquiescence was evidently not to be depended on. In the midst of these doubts arrived two envoys from King John, annulling all that had been done by, and all that had been conceded to, the orders. The king forbade the estates to assemble, and the people either to obey them or pay their contributions to the new receivers who had been appointed. In the capital such a prohibition, however signed by the monarch, was idle. It merely threatened to bring severe punishment on the heads of the envoys who brought it. Charles was obliged to disown them; but it not the less encouraged the few waverers of the noblesse, who still adhered to the estates, to abandon them. It had a similar effect upon the clergy. The prohibition to pay

He

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"taxes was too palatable not to be pleaded even by several CHAP. towns and townspeople. These signs of provincial disaffection towards the leaders in the metropolis encouraged Charles to leave Paris, and try to recover some portion of authority and force by visiting the good towns. accordingly revoked the powers of Marcel and the Thirty-six, following the orders of his sire, and then withdrew to Rouen. But the towns of Normandy, although willing to shake off the supremacy and refuse the taxation of Paris, needing their own resources to defend themselves against the partisans of Navarre, would not abet the Duke of Normandy in any active opposition, much less were they prepared to aid him in raising an army for the purposes of civil war. Charles, therefore, was once more compelled to submit, return to Paris, and reconvoke the estates, Marcel having the boldness to send · missives in his own name for this purpose along with the more regular summons from the regent. The Provost of Paris had come to the conviction that no trust could be placed in the heir to the throne, who was too deeply interested in preserving the prerogatives of the crown, to admit of his accepting frankly the co-operation of the States. It was therefore resolved by the triumvirate of Marcel, Lecoq, and Picquigny, that Charles, King of Navarre, was to be rescued from his prison, placed at the head of the government, and subsequently on the throne, if possible. He was kept prisoner in a fortress near Cambray. Picquigny surprised it, at a moment when the garrison was absent, with a body of the armed militia of Amiens; and Charles the Bad, once more at large, hastened to Amiens, and caused himself to be received there and enrolled as a citizen. From thence the new king of the burgesses entered Paris in triumph, the regent consenting to receive and welcome him. On the day after his arrival the city authorities assembled the people in the Pré aux Clercs, in order to listen to an harangue from the newly arrived prince.