was changed. The legion of Pompeius encouraged by the hope of speedy help attempted to resist at the Decumana Porta or back gate of the camp and even to attack Caesar's men. Caesar's horsemen were still making their way through the narrow passage, which had been formed in the rampart that led to the river, and across the loose earth with which a small part of the ditch had been filled, and as they saw that a retreat would be difficult, they set the example of flying. The right wing was separated from the left, for the right had only crossed the rampart that extended from one corner of the camp to the river, and between them and the left wing were the fortifications of the camp. When they saw the flight of the cavalry, they were afraid that they should be caught within the rampart which they had crossed, and they attempted to retire at that part where they had made a breach; but the greater part of them in their eagerness to avoid this narrow passage threw themselves from the rampart into the ditch a fall of about nineteen feet. Those who went first were crushed, for they who came after passed over their bodies and thus saved their lives.

Caesar's soldiers on the left wing, seeing the approach of Pompeius and the flight of the right wing, were afraid that they might be surrounded, for they had the enemy both. without the camp and within, and began to think of retiring to their new camp by the way by which they came. All was confusion, terror and flight. When Caesar attempted to lay hold of the standards and commanded the bearers to stay their flight, some still continued running,' others through fear dropped the standards, and not a single man would face about. It is said that Caesar had a narrow escape. He laid his hand on a tall strong man who was running past him and ordered him to turn round to the enemy; but the man bewildered with fear raised his sword to strike Caesar, who was only saved by his shield-bearer cutting off the man's arm at the shoulder.

2

Two things helped to save the army from destruction. Pompeius, as Caesar supposes, fearing an ambuscade, for the

"Alii dimissis equis." This is unintelligible. See Goeler's note p. 58. 2 Plutarch, Caesar, c. 39, Appian, B. C. ii. 62.

success was more than he expected after having just seen his men flying from the camp, for some time did not venture to approach the ramparts, and his cavalry were checked at the narrow breaches in the line leading to the river which were also occupied by Caesar's soldiers. Thus small circumstances produced great results both ways. The lines from the camp to the river prevented Caesar's victory from being complete though the camp of Pompeius was already stormed; and the same lines by stopping the pursuit of Pompeius' cavalry saved Caesar's army. These facts may have been the foundation of the words attributed by Plutarch (Caesar, c. 39) to Caesar, who is reported to have said to his friends, "To-day the enemy would have had a victory, if they had possessed a general who knew how to conquer" (Sueton. Caesar, c. 36).3

In these two fights on one day Caesar lost nine hundred and sixty men. The number of horsemen who perished is omitted in our texts. One of the horsemen who were killed was Tuticanus Gallus, son of a senator, and the distinguished Roman equites, C. Fleginas of Placentia, A. Granius of Puteoli, and M. Sacrativir of Capua. Thirty-two tribunes and centurions also lost their lives. But the greater part of the men perished without a single wound, in the ditch and at the ramparts and on the banks of the river, being trampled down by their own comrades in the flight and confusion. Thirty-two standards were also lost (c. 71). Pompeius was saluted with the title of Imperator by his army, and he retained the title and allowed himself to be addressed by it; but neither in the letters which he wrote nor on the fasces did he display the usual decorations of the bay. Labienus asked for the prisoners to be given up to him, and Pompeius consented to surrender them to this renegade, who after

3 Appian (B. C. ii. 62) found somewhere a story that Labienus, being deprived of his wits by the deity, advised Pompeius to pursue the fugitives, when, as the historian thinks, he might have easily seized Caesar's camp where there were only two cohorts. There is no doubt that Pompeius might easily have seized Caesar's camp, but it is possible that he would have gained nothing by doing so ; and if Labienus advised him to kill as many as he could of Caesar's men in the confusion, so far from having lost his wits, we conclude that he was in full possession of them. If Pompeius had broken into Caesar's camp, Caesar might have rallied his men and seized the camp of the enemy.

bringing them out and addressing them by the title of fellowsoldiers asked them in the most insulting manner whether veteran soldiers were accustomed to run away, and then ordered them to be massacred before the whole army. Caesar supposes that Labienus made this display of excessive zeal for the purpose of increasing his credit; for deserters are not generally trusted by those to whom they pass over. But the guilt of this scandalous act must rest with Pompeius, who from early years had shown a cruel disposition, and he well knew the violent character of Labienus. We cannot accept the statement of Dion (45. c. 52) that Pompeius refused to assume the bays because he was unwilling to triumph over fellow-citizens.

This success increased the confidence and presumption of the Pompeian party: they no longer thought of the mode of carrying on the war; they supposed that it was ended. Caesar has made his apology for this unfortunate day (B. C. iii. 72). He says that the men on the side of Pompeius did not take into account the inferiority of Caesar's numbers, no the unfavourable nature of the ground and the straits in which they were placed by having seized the camp and having an enemy on both sides, within the ramparts and without; nor did they take into account the fact that Caesar's force was cut into two parts so that the one could not help the other. Nor did they reflect that there had been no fierce shock and onset between them and their enemy, that no battle had been fought, and that Caesar's men had inflicted more damage on themselves by crowding in the narrow passages than they had received from the men of Pompeius. Finally they did not think of the accidents of war which befall both sides, nor how often small causes arising from groundless suspicion or sudden terror, or superstitious fear had caused great loss, whenever either through the fault of a commander or tribune some blow had been inflicted on an army; but just as if they had gained a victory by their own. valour, and no change of fortune were possible, they spread the fame of that day's success through the world by report and letters.

Caesar has not concealed his loss; and he had received a

greater check even than that before Gergovia (vol. iv. 318). Perhaps if he had succeeded in his enterprise he might have brought Pompeius to a general battle; but if his adversary wanted courage to prosecute the advantage which he had gained, he had certainly shown the ability of a good general in transporting his troops to the south-western extremity of Caesar's lines and breaking through them.. Caesar's right wing caused the mischief by taking the line of defence from the camp to the river for one of the sides of the camp. But it seems that Caesar himself deserves blame, so far as we can understand the matter for allowing such a mistake to be possible, for this line of defence was within sight of his camp; unless it was hid by the wood; and this may have been so. We may then perhaps assume that Caesar did not know that this line existed, for if he did, he might have sent some cohorts of the ninth legion against that side, and they were well acquainted with the ground where they had themselves made the smaller camp.

Napoleon remarks (Précis des Guerres de César, p. 149): "The manoeuvres of Caesar at Dyrrhachium are extremely rash, and he was well punished for them. How could he hope to maintain himself advantageously on a line of contrevallation six leagues in length, blockading an army which was master of the sea and occupied a central position?" The emperor does not say what Caesar ought to have done instead of blockading his enemy, who would not fight; nor would it be easy for any man to say what Caesar ought to have done. Appian (B. C. ii. 64) states that Caesar repented of having encamped before Dyrrhachium, where Pompeius had all his supplies, and said that he ought to have drawn him off to some other place "into like difficulties." Appian's meaning is sometimes very obscure. Perhaps "like difficulties" may be such difficulties as Caesar suffered. The remark taken in any way is very foolish and therefore not Caesar's. Pompeius would not leave a good position to follow Caesar to a worse, when he evidently was afraid to meet him in the field.

CHAPTER XV.

THE MARCH INTO THESSALY.

B.C. 48.

CAESAR had failed in his design, and now saw that he must change his plans. He drew off his men from the posts which they occupied, and discontinuing the blockade he brought all his force together and addressed the men. He exhorted them not to be discouraged nor to give way to fear, but to set off against one inconsiderable loss their many victories. They ought to be grateful to fortune for having got possession of Italy without bloodshed, reduced to submission the two Spains, and for having secured the provinces, Sicily and Sardinia, which supplied corn to Rome; finally they should remember with what good luck they had crossed the sea amidst hostile fleets when the ports and shores were occupied by an enemy. If they had not been altogether fortunate, they must make amends for any want of success by increased care. The recent misfortune ought to be attributed to any cause rather than to him. He had given them fair ground to fight on, he had seized the enemy's camp, and had expelled and defeated them. But whether their own fears, or some mistake or even fortune had interrupted a victory already won and in their hands, every man ought to do his best to repair the damage which had been sustained. If this should be done, their loss would turn out to be a gain, as it had happened at Gergovia, and those who at first had been afraid to fight would be ready to offer battle.

After this address he declared some of the standard-bearers to be disgraced, and he degraded them. So great was the