Sidebilder
PDF
ePub

thing to shew that the clause was not a direct breach of the act of union; and intimated, that although the Irish might not be injured by the present measure, such an encroachment might make a precedent for future injuries.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer made some animated remarks on the objections raised by Mr. H. 'and Lord F., and contended that every thing had been done with the best intentions with respect to Ireland. The bill was then read a third time, and passed.

When it was introduced into the House of Lords, on February 3, it called forth some observations P from Lord Lauderdale, who said Fedid not mean to oppose it, but blamed ministers for not having Staken the earliest opportunity, after ascertaining the deficiency of the late harvest, of counteracting the a evil, either by assembling parlia

[ocr errors]

ment, or stopping the distillery of grain on their own responsibility. Earl Bathurst, in reply, defended the conduct of ministers, and said that stopping the distilleries by the executive government was a measure that could be justified only by the most urgent necessity. Lord Grenville concurred in this opinion, and stated some reasons why he should not oppose the present measure, though liable to objections. The bill went through the committee, and afterwards passed into a law.

It is proper to observe, that the scarcity of grain in Ireland, of which alarming reports were given, caused at length a similar prohibition from distillation to be extended to that country in this session of parliament, after several discussions in both houses, which it does not seem important to particu larize.

[ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small]

CHAPTER II.

Bills relative to the King's Household, and Debates thereon.

N January 16, the House of

itself into a committee to consider of that part of the Regent's speech which relates to his Majesty's household, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to submit to the committee the measures which it might be proper to adopt under the existing circumstances. He began with stating the difference which prevailed with respect to the expectations of his Majesty's recovery, between the present period and the last session of parliament; and having adverted to the opinions of the physicians lately laid before them as to the improbability of a recovery, he took as his standard that of the most sanguine among them, Dr. Simmons, who had stated the proportion of recoveries in persons beyond the age of 70, as one in five. He then proceeded to lay before the committee what he conceived to be the principal objects they had to keep in view. The exercise of the royal authority in the person of the King being suspended, it was first necessary to consider how it was to be supplied; and in the second place they were to take into consideration the nature of the provision requisite for the maintenance and comfort of the King during his illness. The first object was already provided for by that clause which gave to the Regent the full powers of royalty

at the expiration of six weeks from

t

session; but with the sovereign authority, the civil list would also devolve upon him, unless parlia ment were to make some arrangement for his Majesty's household. In discussing this topic, two considerations naturally suggested themselves-from what sources were the provision and attendants to be drawn? and what was the nature and extent of the provision to be made? With respect to the first, he had no hesitation to say that his Majesty's present civil list, and his present officers and servants, were the source to be looked to. In considering the second point, it was the duty of the committee to contemplate, not only the probability and improbability of a recovery, but a kind of middle state, which, though it would not render his Majesty capable of resuming the reins of government, might afford him the means of tasting more comfort and enjoyment than he could partake in at present. In such an event, it must be supposed that on awaking to a sense of his situation, his feelings would be less hurt to find not merely the same individuals about him who had formerly attended him, but the same officers to whom he had been accustomed. In this view of the subject, no one could think that the double establishment requisite

for

for a regent and a king could be conducted at the same expense as that for a king alone. The necessary additional expense he thought would not be regarded as extravagant if calculated at the sum of 10,000l. per ann.; and this he proposed to meet by an addition of that amount to the civil list.

In looking to the present house hold for a supply to his Majesty's future servants, he should propose to take out of it those high officers, the Lord Steward, and the Lord Chamberlain, and in the room of the first to substitute the first gentleman of the bed-chamber, usually called the Groom of the Stole; and of the second, the Vice-Chamberlain. Of the lords and grooms of the bed-chamber, he would propose retaining four of each class, to be selected from the present household; and in addition to these, a master of the robes, and seven or right equerries. The present private secretary to the King might act in the same capacity to the Queen; and he trusted that it would be thought right that the whole establishment above stated should be under the controul and appointment of her Majesty. With regard to the mode of providing for its expenses, he thought it would be best to take out of the civil list annually a sum equal to the estimated charges of the household; and if those should exceed the estimate, to defray the deficiency out of the treasury, which should state the sum to parliament, to be voted out of the supplies of the year; if, on the contrary, a surplus should remain, that it should be paid into the treasury. His estimate of the sum required was 100,0001.

He next called to the attention

of the committee the situation of the Queen. As it could not be expected that she would continue stationary, as she had done, a greater expense would be incurred by any removal for health or amusement; and to meet this and other expenses attached to the new arrangement of the household, he should propose an addition out of the civil list of 10,000l. to her Majesty's income. The pensions and allowances which bis Majesty was accustomed to bestow on the objects of his bounty were next to be considered. These had always been paid out of the privy purse, and as it would certainly be thought right to continue them, he supposed there would be no necessity for changing the fund; submitting however the accounts to a scrutiny in a committee of expenditure. The expenses for medical attendance on his Majesty might be defrayed out of the same fund; but there was an excess in the revenue of the Duchy of Lancaster of about 30 or 40,0001, which might be applied to demands of that kind. With respect to his Majesty's private property, three commissioners should be appointed for the care of it, one to be a master in chancery, and the other two nominated by the Queen and the Regent.

He was now come to the consideration of the state in which the Prince Regent would be placed, having the civil list returned to him less by 100,000l. per annum than had been allowed to his Majesty. The Prince now possessed an exchequer revenue of 120,000l. upon which there were certain claims which it might be unjust to disturb. He would, therefore, propose that of his exchequer income

50,0001.

30,0001. should be transferred to the civil list instead of being paid to him, which would leave 70,000l. untouched. By taking 100,0001. from the civil list, and adding to it from the exchequer 50,000l. a defalcation of 50,0001. would be left, which might be dispensed with on account of the Prince's smaller family.

He must, however, observe, that it would be unjust to transfer the civil list to the Regent upon the supposition that it was adequate to pay the expenses of his Majesty, when the contrary was notoriously the fact. In order to explain this, he had moved for the estimated charges on the civil list revenue as they were laid before the house in 1804, together with the actual charges for each subsequent year, and the latter amounted upon the average of six years to 123 or 124,000l. annually. This excess had been paid from the funds arising from the excess of the Scotch civil list, and from the droits of admiralty. As long as there were these funds to meet this excess, it would be improper to apply to the public to pay it; and he would propose that, whilst they remained sufficient, it should be defrayed by no other; but if it should increase so as to exceed the present average by 10,0001. per annum, the matter should be brought before parlia

meht.

It would also be proper to attend to another point, which was, the expenses incurred by his Royal Highness on assuming the reins of government. When it was hoped that his exercise of the royal authotity would continue but for a short period, he had declined receiving any assistance whatever, but it

would now be reasonable for the house to make a provision for these expenses, for which purpose he should propose a grant of 100,0001. which sum, however, was to be voted only for one year, because, though it might be necessary for the assumption of the royal func. tions, it might not be so for their permanent exercise. He conclud ed with moving, 1. That for making provision for the due arrangement of his Majesty's household, and for the exercise of the royal authority during the cominuance of his Majesty's indisposition, and for the purpose of enabling the Queen to meet the increased expense to which, in consequence of such indisposition, her Majesty may be exposed, there be granted to his Majesty, out of the consoli dated fund of Great Britain, for that period, the additional yearly sum of 70,000l. 2. That it is expedient that provision be made for defraying the expenses incident to the assumption of the personal exercise of the royal authority by his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty.

Mr. Ponsonby then rose, and began with some remarks upon the complexity of the plan laid before them by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, which he thought might have been simplified, by giving to him who exercises the royal functions all that has been heretofore considered as necessary for the splendour and dignity of the crown, and leaving to the heir ap parent to decide on what is proper for the dignity and comfort of his Majesty. He next adverted to Mr. P's idea of a sort of middle non-descript state between sanity

and

and insanity to which the royal suf ferer might arrive, which he contended was utterly unfounded upon any thing that had appeared on the examination of the physicians. He touched upon the proposed augmentation of the Queen's income, for which he could not discover a single reason; and also upon the 100,000l. to be granted to the Regent for covering the cost incurred by his assumption of the government, respecting which he thought that nothing more could be expected from parliament than a willingness to grant whatever might appear proper under the specified heads of expenditure. He concluded by wishing that the resolutions might lie on the table for a few days, that gentlemen might have an opportunity of considering the subject.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer in reply said, that a fuller consider ation of the plan, which he was aware was a complicated one, would come on at a future period when the bill should be brought in; and he then made some appeals to the feelings of the committee respecting a liberal provision for his Majesty's comforts. Mr. Ponsonby spoke again, and before he sat down begged to be allowed to ask one question, which was, whether in granting to his Royal Highness the sum of 100,000l. it was done under the notion that his clains for the arrears of the Duchy of Cornwall were totally given up and extinguished? To this the Chancellor of the Exchequer answered, that it appeared to him that the under standing of the house in the debates on this topic was, that his Royal Highness had totally relinquished every claim of that description.

Of the further conversation that passed on this interesting subject on the present occasion it is not necessary to give a summary, since the particulars will all come under notice in following the progress of the bill through the house. It may, however, be of some conse quence to observe, that the asser tion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer respecting the Duchy of Cornwall called up Mr. Sheridan, who, after reading the Prince's message from the journals of the house, contended, that it amounted to a mere abandonment, not a withdrawment, of his claims, which remained in full force.

The resolutions were put and agreed to, and the report was ordered to be brought up the next day.

On January 18th, on the question being put that the report of the resolutions be brought up, Mr. Creevey rose, and said, he must enter his protest against coveringe the deficiencies of the civil list from the droits of admiralty, which, he contended, were strictly the property of the nation, and ought to be brought into the supply. He also said the same thing respecting. the Leeward Island duties, which former sovereigns had given up, but 1: which, he asserted, were now. parcelled out among ministers aud their adherents, as he pledged hims self on a future day to prove. Mrs Brand entirely coincided in opinion with the last speaker as to the droits of admiralty. He then made some objections to the arrangements of the household as stated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and thought the sum proposed for the maintenance of the King and 30 Queen was immoderate. The

Chancellor

« ForrigeFortsett »