excise duty, Mr. Brougham rose to state his objections not to the amount, but to the nature, of this tax. He shewed, by calculation in what degree it would press upon husbandry, and upon the lower classes in society, who, by their greater consumption of leather for shoes than persons in the superior ranks, would have to bear the chief burden of this impost. Lord Althorpe spoke to the same purpose, and moved, as an amendment, "that the bill be taken into consideration on this day six months." Sir Thomas Turton said that he had been instructed by the tanners in the Borough to shew how severely this tax would affect them. They had now a stock of 18 months upon hand, and would be undersold by the Irish tanners, who paid no duty. After other members had declared their objections to the tax, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to defend it. He said that no increase of duty had taken place on the article in question for 101 years, during which almost every other article of use and luxury had undergone a gradual increase of taxation. He then proceeded to reply to the particular objections which had been advanced, and pointed out mistakes in the calculations on which they were founded. He ended with affirming that he was not one of those who concurred in the soundness of the principle, that the rich alone should be sub. jects of taxation as the rich and poor have a common interest in the country, a common system of taxation should, if possible, be applied to both. On the division for bringing up the report, there appeared Ayes, 66; Noes, 40: majority, 26. A division took place on the third reading of the bill, in which the leather clause was carried only by the majority of 8, the votes being, for the clause 86; against it 78. The bill then passed the Commons. When introduced to the House of Lords, the tax on leather encountered an opposition on similar grounds as those maintained in the other house; and was defended on the same principles. Earl Spencer having moved, as an amendment to the bill, the omitting the clause relative to that ar ticle, a division took place in which the amendment was rejected by 32 against 12. The only other debate on the taxes occurred on the order for the third reading of the assessed taxes bill in the House of Commons, June 30th. The clause imposing an additional duty on horses employed in agriculture was opposed by Mr. Westerne, who moved its omission. It was also objected to by other speakers, as injurious to husbandry, and oppressive to the lower class of farmers. On division, it was however carried by 6 votes against 43. CHAFTER CHAPTER XII. Petitions respecting the renewal of the East India Company's CharterBill for the Preservation of the Public Peace. MONG the effects of the the debate which ensued, General A commercial embarrassments Gascoyne affirmed that the mer prevailing through so large a part of the kingdom, was that of exciting an extraordinary interest in the approaching expiration (in May, 1814) of the India company's last charter. All the out ports, debarred from a participation in the East India trade, and many of the manufacturing districts which conceived that new sources of demand for their commodities would be opened by a free exportation to the vast countries included in the company's monopoly, concurred in the resolution of urging, on the present occasion, what they regarded as the just claims of all citizens to share in the public advantages; whilst the company it-self, and those bodies which were connected with it by a common interest, prepared to take measures against the menaced attack. This matter was brought into notice in the House of Commons as early as February 6, when upon Mr. Wallace's motion for a select committee to inquire into the present state of the affairs of the East India company, Mr. Creevey objected to it on the grounds of the incompetence of such a committee to furnish the requisite information, and proposed in its stead a committee of the whole house on the subject. In chants of Liverpool expected that a great alteration would be made in the arrangement of the carrying trade to and from India, that all out-ports were violently agitated on this point, and would probably make applications either to government or to parliament, and he hoped they would not be precluded by agreements between ministers and the East India company. On the same day a petition was delivered to the house from the merchants and traders of Greenock, praying for the removal of the restraints on navigation within the exclusive privileges of the East India and South-sea companies. In the House of Lords, the approaching expiration of the East India company's charter being mentioned, March 23, by Lord Grey, who expressed his surprize that no document on the subject had as yet been laid upon their table, Lord Melville stated, that a discussion was going on between the court of directors and government, which he believed would be produced soon after the recess. The port of Liverpool, the second in the kingdom with respect to commercial importance, was not backward in taking its part in this great question. On March 23, General Tarleton presented to the House House of Commons a petition from thenierchants, ship-owners, tradesmen, and other inhabitants of Liverpool, and another from the mayor and corporation, claiming as a common and inherent right of the subjects of these realms, that of carrying on a free trade to all parts of the British empire, and countries in amity with it; and protesting against the monopoly of the East India company, as no longer necessary, but, on the contrary, highly prejudicial to the general interests of the nation. Another petition was presented from the trustees of the Liverpool docks, stating that in the extensive works undertaken by them for the accommodation of shipping, they had in view the vast accession of trade which would result from allowing a free commerce with the East Indies. From this time petitions continued to be sent to parliament, during the whole session, from every seaport and commercial and manufacturing town of the least consequence in England and Scotland, against the renewal of the monopoly of the East India company, enforced by all the arguments, general and local, that occurred to the petitioners. They were met, in the first place, by a petition from the company itself. After referring to its different charters, and to its present circumstances, it states, "That the petitioners believe that it is undeniable that the exclusive trade carried on by thern has been a great, positive advantage to the nation; and although they do not presume to state, as an incontrovertible fact, that greater public benefit would accrue from its being continued in its present state, than from its being any further opened, yet the petitioners do venture humbly, but confidently, to assure the house, that the trade with China could not be opened in any degree without extreme danger; and that, if it should not be seen fit to enlarge the term now held by the petitioners in the whole of the trade which they now enjoy without qualification, the petitioners are ready to submit to such regulations as are just, and as parliament in its wisdom. shall enact, for the conduct of the commercial intercourse of his Majesty's subjects with those places which are within the exclusive limits granted to the petitioners." They conclude with praying that leave may be given to present a petition for bringing in a bill for continuing the possession and government of the territorial acquisitions in the East Indies in the petitioners, and for various other purposes therein recited. When this petition was delivered, April 7, Lord A. Hamilton, rose to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer some questions with respect to certain points to which he was said to have pledged himself in relation to the conditions to be granted by government to the company. : The Chancellor declined a direct : reply, but admitted that he had thought it proper to communicate to the directors the bearing of his mind on certain propositions involved in the question, which, f however, would not at all fetter. ; the proceedings of parliament oni the subject. The other petitions alluded to in favour of the company came from i persons engaged in trades or en- ag ployments depending upon the present mode of conducting the East East Indian commerce, and mostly resident in London. There were, indeed, two petitions from country manufacturers, namely, from the Gloucestershire clothiers, and the manufacturers of long ells in the counties of Cornwall, Devon, and Somerset. The corporation of London, in common council assembled, also, "solemnly disclaiming all selfish considerations and narrow jealousies," petitioned for a continuance of the connection already existing between the East India trade and the port of London, and that the house would "adopt such measures as to their wisdom shall seem meet, to prevent the extension of the said trade to the outports, or other cities and towns of the United Kingdom." The great mass of these proceedings, and the pressure of other business, prevented the subject of the East India charter from being brought under the discussion of parliament before the close of the session. The disturbances consequent upon the numbers of workmen thrown out of employ by the diminished demand for the manufactures of the country, after having been for some time confined to the hosiery districts, gradually extended to the neighbouring counties, where they assumed a character still more alarming, and engaged the serious attention of government. Their seat was that large and very populous district comprising those parts of Lancashire and the adjacent tracts of Cheshire which are occupied by the cotton-manufacturers, and the clothing part of the West Riding of Yorkshire. The disposition to tumult in this quarter VOL. LIV. disclosed itself about the end of February, and prevailed with greater or less violence till the middle of summer. During this period a great number of acts of lawless outrage were perpetrated, in the destruction of property, particularly of the machinery and implements used in the manufactures, and in attempts against the lives of persons active in the suppression of riots. In their progress, the rioters appear to have adopted a system of organization highly dangerous to the public peace, and which manifested itself in a degree of military training, accompanied by the seizure and concealment of arms, and the administering of an oath of secrecy and confederacy. On June 27th, the Prince Regent sent a message to each house of parliament, informing them, that he had given orders that copies of the information received relative to certain violent and dangerous proceedings carried on in several counties of England should be laid before them, and relying on the wisdom of parliament to take proper measures for the restoration of order and tranquillity. Viscount Sidmouth, now secretary of state for the home department, rose in the House of Lords on the 29th, to move an address to the Regent on the occasion, expressing their thanks for the communication, and declaring their resolution to take into consideration the documents laid before them, and to concur in the necessary mea. sures. He said he should afterwards propose to refer the papers to a committee of secrecy, and therefore would not anticipate what might be thought necessary by [I] that that committee. He then gave some reasons why his Majesty's ministers had resorted to the step of laying the affair before parliament; and concluded by moving an address of the tenor above mentioned. Earl Stanhope said he had no objection to the words of the address, but wished there had been a further explanation of the measures intended, which were left vague and ambiguous; and he proposed adding the words "not violating the principles of the constitution." The Earl of Liverpool contended that the addition was wholly unnecessary; and after some further conversation it was rejected without a division, and the address was agreed to, Lord Sidmouth then proposed that a secret committee should be appointed consisting of eleven lords to be chosen by ballot, which was also agreed to. In the House of Commons, on the same day, Lord Castlereagh moved a similar address to the Regent, and the appointment of a committee of secrecy of 21 members chosen by ballot, both of which motions were carried. The report of the secret com. mittee was laid before the House of Commons on July 8th, containing a brief detail of the particulars alluded to at the beginning of this chapter. It was ordered to be printed, and taken into consideration on the 10th. On that day, Lord Castlereagh rose, and after various preliminary observations on the extent and causes of the existing disorders, and the insufficiency of the means hitherto employed for their suppression, he proceeded to state the proposed powers to be granted by a bill which he should ask leave to bring in, and the duration of which he would limit to the shortest period at which parliament could be assembled to act as circumstances might require. There were three points to which he thought attention ought particularly to be directed: 1st. To make a more effectual provision to keep the rioters from possessing themselves of arms. 2. To guard against the effect of tumultuary meetings. 3. To give more effectual power and more extensive jurisdiction to the magistrates of the disturbed districts. As to the first, respecting arms, the law at present required that a deposition should be made on oath that arms were deposited in a certain place before search could be made. He would propose the alteration of giving to any magistrate of the disturbed districts the power of searching, and of authorising his officers by his warrant to search, not only for stolen, but for secreted arms; and also of calling on the inhabitants to surrender their arms, receipts being given for the same. At the same time he wished to make a provision for suffering those to retain their arms who might have occasion to use them in defence of their property. As to tumultuary meetings, which had lately taken place not only in the night, but in the day time, of great numbers of persons, for the purpose of training, at present the magistrates could do no more than read the riot act, and order them to disperse, and that not till the end of an hour: his proposal there, fore was that they should have a power of immediately dispersing a tumul |