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opportunity of offering any explanation that might induce the attorney-general to forbear further proceedings. The right honourable gentleman then digressed to the libel itself, and the justice of prosecuting it, and said, he could not possibly agree to the paper being laid on the table, as trials were now pending on the question.

The speakers who followed deviated still further from the proper subject of the motion, to which Mr. Sheridan, in his reply, recall ed the attention of the house, shewing that the character of the publication presented had nothing to do with his motion, which was only to inquire into the legality of the summons issued from the attorneygeneral for attendance at his own house. This, indeed, the ministers were aware did not admit of an easy defence; as Lord Ellenborough, in the debate on Lord Holland's motion, bad declared that he should not have acted as the attorney-general of Ireland had done. The motion, however, was negatived on a division by 67 against 23.

The atrocious character of the war between England and France, in which so many years had passed without a cartel for the exchange of prisoners, appears to have induced, among the captives of the latter nation, a state of despair, which subverted all the customary rules of honour, and rendered the parole given for the purpose of obtaining the indulgence of a lax detention, of no avail for restraining individuals from attempts to escape. The frequency of such attempts, and the ready aid afforded in consequence of bribery, at length excited the attention of government, and the measure was

adopted of augmenting the pu nishment of those who should be convicted of assisting in such escapes.

On July 14, Lord Castlereagh rose in the House of Commons to move a repeal of the existing laws relating to the aid given in effecting the escape of prisoners of war, and substituting a bill by which the crime, instead of a misdemeanor, should be made a felony, punishable by transportation, ei ther for life, fourteen years, or se ven years, as might be agreed on. He said, that when it was known that prisoners of the highest rank in the enemy's army had effected their escape by means of an or ganized system for conveying them out of the country, by a succession of persons so as to elude pursuit, the house would perceive the necessity of providing against the danger. He then made a motion accordingly.

After Mr. Whitbread had expressed his hope that some measure would be adopted for an exchange of prisoners, and Lord Cas tlereagh had assured him that the fault did not rest with this government, leave was given to bring in the bill. No opposition appears to have been made to its provi sions, and the second reading of it in the House of Lords was moved by Lord Sidmouth on July 23.

His lordship in introducing his motion, remarked, that from a list laid upon the table it appeared that within the last three years 464 of ficers on parole in this country had made their escape; whilst — a splendid contrast there was not a single instance of an officer in our service having broken his parole. He dwelt upon the seriousness of

the

the crime of assisting in these escapes, which an eminent judge had considered as nearly approaching to that of high treason; and he said, that by the proposed bill it was only made a transportable fe lony, the period of transportation to be determined by the enormity of the offence.

No debate ensued; and the bill shortly after passed into a law.

In the month of April, at the time when the French emperor was on the eve of a war with Russia, he thought proper to make overtures for a peace with England, and a correspondence took place between the two governments on the subject, which soon closed without having produced any effect. No notice of this circumstance was taken in parliament till the letters which passed on the occasion had appeared in some foreign papers. On July 17, Lord Holland, in the House of Lords, requested to know from Lord Liverpool whether ministers were in possession of any further information respecting the overture from France than what had been published in those papers, and whether it was the intention of the executive government to take the sub. ject into their consideration. He would abstain from delivering any opinion respecting the answer to that overture, further than that he was not disposed to admit the existence of king Joseph at the head of the Spanish government, as a principle of negociation; yet he should have approved entering into a negociation upon the principle of rendering Spain independent of France. At the same time he could not but protest against the difficulty which appeared to be

felt in designating the emperor of France as emperor. He also wished to know whether Lord Castlereagh had received any answer to his letter.

Lord Liverpool did not hesitate to admit that the correspondence published was substantially correct; and he had no objection to produce the papers if called for. With respect to the recognition alluded to, government had acted upon the general principle that such acknowledgments were not to be made gratuitously, but as objects of stipulation for an equi valent. With respect to the matter of the answer, he was persuaded that there were few in the country who would not agree, that if the acknowledgment of Joseph Buonaparte as king of Spain were made a necessary preliminary by the French government, no negociation could be entered upon by this on such a basis. It had therefore been thought requisite to call for an explicit declaration on that head in the first instance. No communication in reply had been received, and there the matter rested.

This conversation seems to have been all that passed in the House of Lords on this topic.

In the House of Commons, on July 21, Mr. Sheridan rose to speak upon this subject. He began with observing, that his h nourable friend, Mr. Whitbread, had hurried to town for the express purpose of declaring that he conceived ministers to be entirely wrong, and that the late overture from the French government was the best opportunity that could possibly have been afforded for entering into a negociation for peace. The honourable gentleman then proceeded

proceeded to refute this anticipated opinion, by a number of remarks relative to the perfidy and delusory politics of the French ruler, not without some of those glowing sentiments relative to the maritime rights of Great Britain, and the honourable character of this nation, which are found to be popular in every assembly, from the highest to the lowest. He concluded with making a motion for an address to the Prince Regent, requesting the production of the correspondence which had passed on this occasion. Mr. Whitbread, after seconding the motion, expressed some surprise at the manner in which his right honourable friend had introduced his observations, as if they were answers to some preceding speech of his against the honour and interests of his country-a supposition which was the mere work of his own imagination. He then, in his proper person, made a variety of remarks on the proposals for accommodation contained in the letter of the Duke of Bassano (Maret), and also upon former offers of negociation by the French government, which he was inclined to think sincere; and he main tained the general sentiments respecting the necessity of peace to this country, which he had expressed on many former occa

sions.

It cannot be necessary to give a sketch of the other speeches in the political conversation, as it may be rather termed than debate, which ensued. That nothing further could properly have been done by the English government in this negotiation, seems to have been the general opinion. The ques

tion for an address was put and carried. The correspondence thereupon laid before parliament will be found among the State Papers.

This long session was terminated on July 30, by the speech of the Prince Regent, delivered by commission. His Royal Highness, after his acknowledgments for the zeal and assiduity displayed by both houses of parliament in the display of their public duties, refers with warm approbation to the exertions made in the Peninsula, particularising the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz, and expresses his confidence that the contest in that quarter will be brought to an issue which will secure the independence of the two nations. He then adverts to the new war kindled in the north of Europe, as an additional proof of the little security that can be derived from submission to the tyranny and usurpation of the French government; and he trusts that they will approve of his affording to the powers that may be united in this contest, every degree of assistance and co-operation consistent with his other engagements, and the interests of the kingdom. He assures them that he views with sincere regret the hostile measures which have been adopted by the United States of America, but is willing to hope that the accustomed relations of peace and amity may yet be restored; should his expectations, however, be disappointed, he relies on the support of every class of his Majesty's subjects, to enable him to support a contest in which the honour of the crown and the best interests of the country must be involved.

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CHAPTER XIV.

Domestic Occurrences-Negociations for a Change in the Administration Disturbances in the Country-Affairs of Irish Catholics-Dissolution of Parliament and General Election.

which considerable.

The motives by

ONE of the subjecte British which he was induced to resign,

public during the first half of the present year, was the expected changes in the administration, concerning which, at different periods, curiosity was kept on the stretch by negotiations, either openly carried on, or suspected to be secretly transacting, among the several parties regarded as candidates for the great offices of state. The Prince Regent had indeed left the reins of government in the hands of his father's ministers for a longer time than had been generally predicted; but it was thought that the commencement of the new era of his unrestricted regency could not fail to be marked by the accession to power of some, at least, of those to whom he had formerly given his confidence; and although the actual ministers had conducted the government with as little interruption from opposition as most of their predecessors, their tenure was commonly considered as temporary and insecure.

Early in the year, the cabinet sustained a loss, in the Marquis of Wellesley's resignation of the post of secretary of state for foreign affairs, which, on account of the influence and abilities of that nobleman, could not be regarded as inVOL. LIV.

as they afterwards appeared in a statement made public by his friends, were such as augured more unfavourably than even the act itself for the duration of the ministry. His objections, it was there said, arose in a great degree from the narrow and imperfect scale on which the efforts in the Peninsula were conducted. He had repeatedly with reluctance yielded his opinions to his colleagues on many other important points; and he was convinced by experience that the cabinet possessed neither ability and knowledge to devise a good plan, nor temper and discernment to adopt what he thought necessary. To Mr. Perceval's judgment or attainments he could not pay any deference without injury to the public service. Entertaining these sentiments, the marquis had, on the 16th of January, requested permission to withdraw from the cabinet, and this desire was notified to the Prince Regent and Mr. Perceval at the same time, with the expression of his lordship's wish that the precise time of his resignation might be accommodated to the pleasure of his Royal High ness, and the convenience of Mr. Perceval, as soon as the restrictions [K]

should

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