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an unequal proportion of the public burdens would be laid upon them, for the relief of the here ditary states. As much inconvenience arose from the prolongation of these disputes, the courts of justice being in the mean time shut, and the expenses of the diet continually augmenting, it was at length agreed that Hungary should pay within two years, 24 millions of florins in bills of exchange; deliver into the imperial magazines four millions of measures of grain, of different sorts; and submit to an extraordinary impost of two florins for each quintal of salt during three years.

After the Emperor of Austria had consented to form a family union with the French Emperor, nothing less could be expected than that their political systems would partake of the same concert. The treaty, therefore, between the two courts, of which mention has been already made, could excite no surprise; and as the Austrian limited the succour given to Napoleon, in his war with Russia, to the contingent specified in the terms of the agreement, no particular hostility against that power on his part could be inferred. It is not to be doubted that Austria, as the third military power on the continent, must always view with an eye of jealousy the predominance of either of the other two; but her past humiliation by France, and the vast resources, and overbearing ambition of its Ruler, must naturally disincline her to contribute to the aggrandisement of an empire already so dangerous to the independence of Europe. The Austrian army under Prince Schwartzenberg ap

pears, indeed, to have taken its part in good earnest; and if the accounts communicated by its commander are to be credited, it fully main ained the reputation of its valour and discipline; but how far the Emperor Francis will think himself bound to persist in his alliance, should the face and fortune of Europe put on a new aspect, time and events alone can determine.

With respect to the rest of Germany, its dependent kings and insignificant princes, so few traces remain of its separate existence, that nothing has occurred historically to distinguish the Germanie body from the general mass of subjects and satellites which swell the train, and are linked to the destinies, of the French Emperor. If any thing of a national spirit still exists in that part of Europe, it must be impatient to liberate itself from such a state of degradation; but without some rallying point, at which the scattered force of a mar. tial people may be concentered, it will be vain to expect any effectual resistance to a power which has the art of making division the instrument of mutual subjugation. Such à point was once afforded by Prussia; but the sovereign of that country must exert much more vigour than has hitherto appeared to belong to his character, before he can shake off the fetters which at present hold him as a state prisoner in his own dominions.

Of the remainder of Europe, SICILY has presented the principal object of curiosity, at least, if not of interest.

It was impossible that such a divided rule, in one island, as that of a foreign court on one hand, and a foreign army on

the

the other, over a native population averse to both, could subsist in tranquillity; and after the return of Lord William Bentinck, a conspiracy of spies and assassins in the interest of France was discovered, in the month of December,1811, and its ringleaders, being arrested, were tried by a military commis sion at Messina, and some of them capitally condemned. The rooted dislike of the Queen to the English ascendency in Sicily, and her attachment to the French interest, were sufficiently manifest in the transactions of the last year: the notorious incapacity of the King also rendered him unfit to hold the reins nothing therefore remained, : in order to settle a regular government, correspondent with the views of the British cabinet, but to place the authority in the hands of the nation at large, supported by the English army. As a step to this change, the fugitive Barons were recalled in January, and were welcomed to Palermo by a great escort of nobility, to the high displeasure of the Queen. Lord W. Bentinck was declared Captain-General of all the troops in the island, and gained general applause by his firm and prudent conduct. The King soon afterwards, on the pretext of indisposition, made a formal resignation of his royal authority to his son. When, upon the motion in the English Parliament for a renewal of the subsidy of 400,000l. to his Sicilian Majesty, this fact was taken notice of, Lord Castlereagh assured the House that no fraud or violence had been used to induce the King to take this step, which he chose rather to call a temporary substitution of another authority, than an abdication.

It now became the great object to frame a new constitution for the island, and the intimate connection which had for some years subsisted between the Sicilians and the English caused the British constitution to be adopted as the model. On July the 20th, the Parliament of the Island assembled in the usual manner at Palermo, when they entered upon the important business, pursuant to the instructions of his Royal Highness, the Vicar-General, or delegate of sovereign autho rity. They began by fixing the limits of the legislative, executive, and judiciary powers; the first of which they lodged in the Parliament, the second in the King, with personal inviolability, but with responsible ministers. The judges were declared independent, but impeachable by the Commons, if guilty of criminal conduct. The Parliament instead of being, as before, divided into three branches. was to consist only of two houses; one of Commons, composed of the representatives of the cities and baronies; and one of Lords, formed by the union of the ecclesiastical and baronial branches. The privileges of these houses, and the mode of enacting laws, were copied from the English constitution. it was a proof both of the wisdom, and the patriotism of the barons, that they renounced the feudal privileges which had descended to them through eight centuries, and were confirmed by the laws of the kingdom, and contented themselves with the common rights of citizens. Thus, apparently without opposition, one of the worst governed countries in Europe has acquired the means of becoming one of the best governed, provided

it shall possess virtue and courage to maintain the advantages it has gained, and the issue of the great subsisting contest shall leave them free from the controul of foreign sway.

It was not to be expected that a change in the constitution from absolute to limited monarchy should be acquiesced in by the Court without a struggle; and various intimations have been given of attempts by the Queen's party to excite disturbances, and to destroy that English influence through which the change has been effected. It is probable that a greater resistance would have been made, had not Lord W. Bentinck possessed,in the disposal of the subsidy, a powerful means of restraining violent measures. The impossibility of paying the Sicilian army without its aid obliged the Queen very reluctantly to leave it entirely under his command, and thus deprived her of that support to arbitrary power which seldom fails to be given by a military force entirely organized and appointed by the Crown. After all, her disaffection to the new order of things must have remained in activity, since we are told, in letters from Sicily, dated October the 30th, that the Queen was ordered to reside at Saint Margarita, a retired situation on the southern side of the island, and was prohibited from coming to Palermo; and that there was an intention of sending her to Vienna in the summer.

The affairs of TURKEY, apart

from its war with Russia, have afforded little worthy of record during the present year. Constantinople has been afflicte' with one of those periodical retu. of pestilence, to which it must be ever liable, while the system of fatalism prevents the use of any precautionary measures against that scourge; and it is said that an unusually large proportion of its population has been swept off by the disease. Smyrna, likewise, and other cities in the empire, have suffered under the same calamity. It does not appear that any thing effectual has been done towards the suppression of that formidable class of sectaries, the Wahabees. In the spring, intelligence was received of the defeat of Jussum Pasha, in an engage. ment with them near Medina. He lost some thousand men, and retired in disorder to the banks of the Red Sea, where he was waiting for reinforcements.

The peace with Russia, however necessary, having been attended with some cession of the Turkish territory, was regarded as dishenourable at the Porte, and the government gave some of the usual tokens of its displeasure. Prince Demetri Morousi, formerly Hospo dar of Moldavia, one of the Ottonian Plenipotentiaries, who signed the treaty, was beheaded at Schumla, the Grand Vizier's quarters, by orders from the Grand Seignior, as having been a partizan of Russia; and the richest individual in Rudshuck fell a sacrifice to a similar imputation.

CHAP

CHAPTER XIX.

United States of America-Resolutions in favour of War-Mr. Gall tin's Budget-Correspondence between Mess. Foster and Monroe-Animosity increased by Henry's Mission-Act for an Embargo-Other War Measures-Opposition-War declared-State of Votes-Action with the Belvidera Frigate-Disturbance near Montreal-Congress adjourned-Riot and Massacre at Baltimore-General Hull's Incursion into Canada, and Capture-Refusal of the President to confirm an Armistice-Capture of the Guerriere-Letters of Marque issued by England -American Antigallican Parties-Defeat and Capture of General Wadsworth-Congress re-assembled-President's Message-Engagements between the Frolic and Wasp, and the Macedonian and United States-General Dearborn's Advance to Champlain-Blockade of the Chesapeak and Delaware.

ROM, the temper manifested

of the UNITED STATES towards the close of last year, it was evi dent that nothing could prevent a war between that country and Great Britain, but either a change in the system pursued by the latter, or a dread in the former to come to the point of actual hostilities, under the prospect of much suffering from abroad, and much discontent at home. That, however, the American Government might calculate upon a support of their measures from public opinion, sufficient to ensure the compliance necessary for their execution, might be inferred from the manner in which the resolutions of the committee of foreign relations were received by the House of Representatives, the most popular part of the constitution. On the division, which took place in this VOL. LIV.

discussion, the several resolutions

which the lowest was 109 to 22, and the highest 110 to 11. A motion in the same house for the indefinite postponement of a bill for raising 25,000 additional troops was rejected by a majority of 98 to 29-a division which might be regarded as almost the immediate forerunner of hostile proceedings. It appeared at this time, that the advocates for war, besides the lure of rich prizes to be made by the American privateers, threw out confident expectations of the conquest of Canada.

Mr. Gallatin's budget was laid before Congress on January the 12th. It recommended a loan of 10 millions of dollars, to meet the exigencies of the present year, and calculated that a like loan would be necessary for several years to come It also gave the comforta[0]

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ble prospect of continually increasing taxes to pay the interest of these loans. A correspondence between Mr. Foster, the English minister, and Mr. Munroe, the American secretary of state, was soon after communicated to Congress, with the President's remark upon it; which was in these words: "The continued evidence afforded in this correspondence of the bostile policy of the British government against our national rights, strengthens the considerations recommending and urging the preparation of adequate means for maintaining them.” It would be superfluous to give a sketch of the arguments used on each side in this discussion-arguments referring to the beaten topic of the French decrees and English orders of council, and which have proved totally inefficacious to produce conviction on the different parties. In reality, the law of nations, though perpetually referred to, is so vague in its principles, and so varying in its application, that it can never be relied on actually to decide points on which the interests of contending states strongly draw in opposite directions, and no umpire exists to whom appeal can be made. In the present unhappy quarrel, both parties boasted of their moderation and forbearance; both alleged the reason and justice of their cause; yet both were in fact determined by motives of state-policy operating exclusively upon themselves.

When the particulars of raising the necessary supplies for the war, and equipping an adequate military force, came to be discussed in Congress, the great majorities in favour of the measures proposed

by government no longer appear. ed, and several questions were barely carried. It might now have been hoped that the near prospect of the inevitable burdens: conse. quent upon open hostilities, would have occasioned a pause, during whichthe friends of peace on both sides might possibly discover some expedient to bring matters to an agreement; but just at this juncture an incident occurred which added new exasperation to the existing ill will. The President, on March 9th, sent a message to bosh Houses, laying before them copies of documents to prove, that at a recent period, the British government had sent a secret agent into the United States, for the purpose of formenting disaffection against the constituted authorities, and eventually of effecting a separation in the union. The circumstance to which this complaint referred, was the mission of a Captain Heory into Massachuset's, by Sir James Craig, governor of Canada, respecting which, an inquiry in the English parliament has already been reported. It there appeared that some improper steps had in fact been taken by Sir J. Craig, but without the knowledge of the government at home. The members of parliament, however, who most condemned this conduct, agreed that the President would have acted more correctly in making a remonstrance to the British administration, and receiving its explanations, before he brought the charge into Congress; but he probably could not resist the temptation of making use of such an opportunity to rekindle the animosity of his fellow-citizens against this country, which was perhaps

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