such a person sitting in that place.

Mr. Abercromby stated, that there were three great classes of cases upon which that bouse had frequently been called upon to exercise its right of expulsion: 1. cases of contempt of the house itself: 2. breaches of public trust: in both these the house exercised its jurisdiction upon sound and sofid principles: 3. when persons had been found guilty and punished for gross offences. In these last cases, the house paid that respect to the sentence of the laws, and to the laws themselves, as to deem such persons unfit to sit in that house. He then endeavoured to shew, that the present case was widely different: that the record of conviction was incomplete, and that if a special verdict had been taken, there would have been no conviction. As to the mere immorality of the act, he thought that principle might be carried to a dangerous extent, and that it would be very difficult to draw the line and determine what sort of breach of trust should render a member liable to expulsion, and what not.

The Attorney-General confessed that the subject was attended with a good deal of difficulty. Of the cases of expulsion which had been quoted by different members, that of the directors of the Charitable Corporation came the nearest; and if the house had proceeded upon it, not as a misapplication of the public money, but as an act of gross dishonesty, the act committed by Mr. Walsh was at least equally disho

nest.

Several other members spoke on the different sides of the question, which was discussed with much tem

per and impartiality. The general sense of the house was however clearly for the expulsion of one who had proved himself so unworthy a member, as was manifested by the division, on which Mr. Bankes's motion was carried by 101 against 16, though some very respectable names appeared in the minority.

The gold coin and bank note bill, which had excited so much discussion in the last session of parliament, was again introduced to the notice of the House of Commons, on March 17th, by a motion from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, for its continuation, with certain amendments. After a few preliminary observations, on the course which he meant to adopt, which was that of proposing that the bill should be read twice before the holidays and printed, and a day be appointed after the recess in order that gentlemen from Ireland might be present at the discussion of the various provisions, he moved "That leave be granted to bring in a bill to continue and amend an act of the last session of parliament, for making more effetual provision for preventing the current gold coin of the realm from being paid or accepted for a greater value than the current value of such coin; for preventing any note or bill of the governor and company of the Bank of England from being received for any smaller sum than the sum therein specified; and for staying proceeding upon a distress by tender of such notes; and to extend the same to Ireland."/

Lord Folkstone rose in this early stage of the business to observe upon the confident manner in which the right hon. gentleman

bad

had introduced a motion, the object of which was neither more nor less than that of making bank notes a legal tender; and he made some observations on the extension of the bill to Ireland, though Lord Castlereagh had last year particularly objected to it, because bargains in the north of that country being made for payments in gold, it would have the effect of defrauding the creditors.

Lord Castlereagh having made some explanation relative to his opinion as referred to by the noble lord. Mr. Tierney spoke with considerable warmth against the proposed measure, against which, as as likely to bring on a most dan gerous crisis for the country, he solemnly protested.

The House divided upon the motion, which was carried by 73 against 26, and leave was accordingly given to bring in the bill,

On the motion for the second reading of this bill, March 26, a debate arose, in which several members on both sides partook. The arguments against the measure were chiefly recapitulations of those before employed to show the danger of making, in effect, bank notes a legal tender, and multiplying paper credit beyond all stint and limit. With these were joined the injustice of extending the law to Ireland, in some parts of which leases and contracts of long standing existed - for the payment of gold, and the depreciation of paper was advanced to 25 per cent. On the other hand it was contended that greater evils would arise from leaving tenants at the mercy of rapacious landlords. On the whole, it was evident from the views

given of the subject, that difficul ties pressed upon it on all sides, and that nothing remained but a choice of evils. The ministers, however, were supported by a large majority, the division on the motion giving ayes 61; noes 16; majority 45.

On April 10th, the question being put that the House do resolve itself into a committee on this bill, Mr. Parnell rose to move as an amendment, that further proceedings be postponed to this day fortnight, for the purpose of appointing a select committee to inquire into the state of the currency in Ireland. He then made a statement of the situation in which this currency was placed; from which he concluded that the only effect of the bill in Ireland would be to take the money out of the pockets of the landlords and other creditors, to put it into that of tenants and debtors. His demand for further inquiry was supported by Sir J. Newport and Mr. Ponsonby, and replied to by Lord Castlereagh and Mr. W. Pole, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The House then dividing on the question for going into a committee, it was carried by 87 against 27.

The motion for bringing up the report, April 17th, was opposed by one for adjournment, which was negatived by 101 to 35; after which the reception of the report was postponed to the 20th, On that day the debate was renewed, and another division took place, in which the bringing up of the rereport was carried by ayes 138 against noes 29. Lord A. Hamilton then proposed a clause to confine the dividend of profits to the pro

prietors

*prietors of the Bank of England to 101. per cent: during the operation of the bill; his object being to give the bank an interest in the recommencement of payments in specie. It was negatived without a division. Mr. Taylor proposed a clause to compel the bank to employ the surplus of profit above 101 per cent in the purchase of bullion, which was also negatived; and the same fortune attended Mr. Johnstone's proposed clause to limit the issue of bank-notes.

The Chancellor of the Exche quer proposed the amendment of taking away from the landlord the right of ejectment after a tender of bank-notes in payment of rent by the tenant. This was warmly opposed by Messrs. Horner, Brougham, and others, as depriving the landlord of his only remaining remedy, and making bank-notes, to all intents and purposes, a legal tender. It was defended on the other side, as containing nothing new in principle, and passed without a division. The bill was ordered for a third reading, and it met with no further opposition in the House of Commons.

On the order for the second reading of this bill in the House of Lords, April 28th, a discussion took place, in which the arguments against a compulsory paper currency were recapitulated by the opposers, and were replied to by ministers and their supporters, who contended for the necessity of the proposed measures. No division occurred in its passage : through the house, but a strong protest against the third reading, signed by Lords Lauderdale and Rosslyn, was entered on the journals.

It is unnecessary to observe more on this bill, than that by its amendments it in effect accom plished that purpose of rendering Bank of England notes legal tender, to which the bill of the preceding year had made such an approximation; and that by disallowing any limitation of that com pany in the issue of its notes, and unrestricted power of coining sil ver tokens of less than their nominal value, the whole circulating medium of the country is placed in its hands. That in the present state of things such a measure was the wisest policy, may be true; but it must be acknowledged that such a state has never before oc curred in English history.

Among the parliamentary dis cussions of this session, one of the most remarkable related to the different attempts under the Regency, now freed from its restric tions, to form a new or a strengthened administration. There had been made public in the month of February a letter from the Prince Regent to his brother the Duke of York, expressing a wish that at this "

new æra" his government might be strengthened by the accession of some of those persons with whom the early habits of his public life had been formed, and desiring that this wish might be communicated to Lords Grey and Grenville: and also the letter of reply from those lords, in which they state the impossibility of their uniting with the present adminis tration, on account of differences of opinion concerning the most important political measures. (See State papers)...

On March 19th, Lord Boringdon rose in the House of Lords,

for

for the purpose of moving an address to the Prince Regent, be seeching him to form an efficient administration. This motion, his lordship said, entirely originated from himself, and arose from feelings of a purely public nature, and an anxious wish for averting the worst calamity that could befal the empire that of a separation of the two sister countries. He went on to give a view of the situation of the empire at the commencement of this new era, with respect both to prosperous and adverse circumstances; and after alluding to the correspondence which had been carried on between the Prince Regent and the two noble lords above-mentioned, according to an authentic, though not official document, he proceeded particularly to notice the decided bostility to the claims of the Irish Catholics declared by the present ministers. He was will jing, however, to hope that notwithstanding the refusal of these lords to unite with the present government, upon the ground of the differences they had stated, they still might be the medium of forming an administration upon a broad and liberal basis. He concluded his speech by moving an address to the Prince Regent, in which, after expressions of esteem and attachment, his Royal Highness is humbly told," that for the attainment of these objects (the honour of the nation abroad, and its tranquillity and happiness at Home) it appears to us to be essential that the administration to which his royal highness may be graciously pleased to commit the management of his affairs should be so composed as to unite, as

far as possible, the confidence and good will of all classes of his Majesty's subjects. That in the present state of Ireland it is, in our opinion, impossible that such general confidence and goodwill should be enjoyed by any administration, the characteristic principle of whose domestic policy, as well as the bond of whose connexion in office, is the determination not only not to recommend, but to resist, a fair and dispassionate consideration of those civil disabilities under which his Majesty's Roman-catholic subjects in that part of the united kingdom still labour, and of which they complain as most grievous and oppressive. That we therefore humbly express our anxious hope that his Royal Highness may yet be enabled to form an administration, which, by conciliating the affections of all descriptions of the community, may most effectually call forth the entire resources of the united kingdom, and may afford to his Royal Highness additional means of conducting to a successful termination a war in which are involved the safety, honour, and prosperity of this country."

Viscount Grimstone. rising to. express his dissent from the motion, said that it appeared to him that in the noble Lord's speech some degree of blame was imputed to the Prince Regent for the manner in which he had conducted himself. He was proceeding, when he was called to order for making a personal allusion to the Regent in a debate. This occasioned a warm debate on the point of order; which being terminated, Lord Grimstone, after mentioning

the

the successes which had attended . the present administration, moved an amendment on the motion, which was, in effect, an omission of all its substance, and the substitation of an expression of perfect satisfaction with the conduct of affairs since the commencement of the regency.

Lord Darnley rising to speak against the amendment was interrupted on the ground of irregularity in alluding to a document, the letters, not properly before the House; and a debate arose on this point of order, which terminated in Lord Darnley's asserting his right to consider them as authentic. His lordship then proceeded, and plainly alluded to certain secret advisers who had influenced the Regent to continue the same ministers who had served his father, and whose continuance implied destruction to the hopes of the catholics, and consequently, destruction to the country.

He was followed by several other lords, in whose speeches the catholic question was the leading topic; but the most interesting was that of Lord Grey, in which he stated the points which had induced himself and Lord Grenville to decline an union with the present ministers. He began with acknowledging that the motion appeared to him substantially intended to produce a change in the administration. Of this administration it might be said that it was formed on the express principle of resistance to the catholic claims. This was the principle loudly proclaimed by the person at the head of it, from the moment when he quitted the bar to take a share in political life, up to the present

instant; and where he led, the rest were obliged to follow. The noble Lord then dwelt at some length on this topic, and showed how necessary ultimate concessions to the catholics had been considered by the greatest political characters. He would not state what the opinion of the Prince Regent on this head might be at the piesent moment, having only that of his responsible advisers to look to; but he could not help saying that a very general hope was entertained by the catholics, that his Royal Highness was favourable to their claims, and that a new æra would by the course of nature arrive, when bigotry and oppression should no longer oppose them. Though it was impossible for his noble friend and himself to unite with men who differed with them in so fundamental a point, did it follow that there were no others with whom they could coalesce? or if both parties were put out of the question, were there not others to form an administration without them? If the address should be carried, and the Regent could find others of whom he might form a cabinet, holding the same opinions on the catholic question with himself, they should have his warm support.

Adverting to the questions at issue between this country and America, his lordship said, that if it was imputed to him that he was disposed to give up one single right, or to abandon any principle connected with our essential maritime interests, the imputation was most false and groundless. He would go as far in support of those interests as any man, although he should still deem it necessary to weigh the true value of those dis

puted