point without conciliating the Ca tholics. After some further observations on this topic, he asserted that his motion came before them destitute of any other influence than what it might derive from its own merits. It was entirely spontaneous: he had consulted no one about it, and was then actually ignorant whether it would be seconded or not. As one of the greatest friends and admirers of Mr. Perceval, he had come forward in an open and undisguised manner to show that the government, deprived of him, could not be supported by all his friends. He felt a pain in so doing from his relation to the noble lord below him, but it was a sacrifice on the altar of duty. The honourable member concluded by moving the announced address.

Lord Milton seconded the motion.

Mr. Eyre opposed it as an unconstitutional interference with the prerogative of the crown, of which there was no instance upon record. The house had interfered when an administration had been formed and found inefficient, but had never come forward with its previous advice. He disputed the honourable mover's ground of the inetficiency of the present administration. They had, indeed, lost their greatest support, and had attempted to remedy it by seeking the aid of persons whose political opinions were nearly the same with their own, but whowould not concur in the proposal unless certain questions were conceded to them: questions already determined by the votes of the house, and he believed, by the opinion of the country. He had no great reliance upon the

prophetic anticipation of what an administration was to be. He had seen administrations, prematurely denounced as weak, conduct public affairs with activity and vigour, whilst others of great promise had miserably failed. The honourable gentleman then moved as an amendment, "That the other orders of the day be now read."

Lord Milton supported the original motion, and contended that it was not only the right, but the absolute duty, of the House of Commons to interfere when they saw an administration about to be formed which was not likely to obtain the confidence of the people. He said that the unsuccessful attempt of the present ministers to ally themselves with men of abilities who differed with them upon great political questions, was an acknowledgment of their incompetency.

Sir F. Burdett gave reasons why he could not concur either in the motion or the amendment. There had been many ministries composed of persons of different principles, who, nevertheless, had done nothing to relieve the country from its dangers and burdens, which never could be done without a constitutional reform in the representation of the people in parliament; and he read a proposed amendment of the original motion to that effect.

Mr. Wilberforce argued at some length on the unconstitutional nature of the interference with the prerogative of the crown implied in the first motion, and said that thirty years ago, the question whether the house should have a previous negative on the appointment of ministers had been decided. Perhaps it might be said that the

motion did not go to prescribe to the prince whom he should choose, but to recommend a strong administration; but it was fair to combine the motion with the speech by which it was introduced. With respect to the ques tion of parliamentary reform, be had always been favourable to it, but he did not see how such reform could materially diminish the difficulties of the country.

The hon. J. W. Ward would not admit that the interference proposed was unconstitutional, though he allowed that it should not be resorted to but on important occasions; but what, he asked, could be more important than the present? There were two grounds for the adoption of the motion; the danger of the country, and the acknowledged weakness of the present administration. The first was admitted on all sides. With respect to the second, he should spare himself the disagreeable task of naming individuals, but he might appeal to the public feeling, manifested in some degree even before the death of Mr. Perceval, though his ability was thought by many to compensate for the inefficiency of his colleagues. Such persons, however, would pay a poor compliment to his memory if they continued to place the same confidence in the administration which had lost his support. The honourable member then proceeded to allude to the alleged attempt for procuring an addition of strength, by bringing over a gentleman of great talents and eloquence (Mr. Canning), and and a noble Marquis (Wellesley), the sincerity of which he called in question; and he par-VOL. LIV.

ticularly adverted to the anticatholic principle which was fundamental to the existing ministry.

Mr. Ryder repeated some of the arguments already adduced to prove that the motion was unconstitutional, and pointed out the difference between the case which had been alluded to, respecting Mr. Pitt, and the present. He then found it necessary to touch upon some facts pretty generally known, premising that he could not be suspected of any private motive, since he was no longer a member of the administration. He believed his right hon friend (Mr. Canning) would not say that the. offers had not been made in perfect sincerity, and in the hope that they would be accepted. He did not mean to impute their rejection as a fault to him, but he knew it had excited extreme concern on the part of government. With respect to the opinions held on the principal topics at issue, he had papers which fully explained them, but which at this time, he did not think himself uthorised to produce. He could. see no ground for supposing inability in the noble lord at the head of government (Lord Liverpool) who, ten or eleven years ago, had been characterised as the man most fit to succeed to the highest place, with the sole exception of Mr. Fox. In conclusion, he asked whether the members, who for four years had supported by their majorities the measures of administration, would act a part agreeable to their constituents by adopting a motion intended to subvert a government which had received the highest approbation throughout the country?

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Mr.

Mr. Canning, though he had not meant to have troubled the House on the present occasion, could not avoid answering the call which the last member, he thought somewhat unfairly, had made upon him. In his justifica tory speech, which will not bear abridgment, he said, "whatever has passed verbally without these walls, by an absolute agreement between Lord Liverpool, who made the proposition, and my self, was reduced to writing, that it might be less subject to misapprehension or perversion; and to that minute, an answer upon paper was returned by me, to which, standing at the bar of my country, to answer for my conduct, I beg leave to refer." With respect to the intimation by the mover of the amendment, that he had demanded some concessions of principle as the price of his acceptance of office, he said, that he merely inquired of Lord Liverpool, as a matter of information, whether the policy and sentiments of his colleagues continued the same; and was candidly answered, that his own opinions upon this grand topic (the catholic question) remained unchanged, and he was not aware that those of his colleagues had undergone any alteration. When he was thus informed of the settled opinions of the head of government, honoured with the chief confidence of the sovereign, and possessing all the influence and authority afforded by his station, could he for an instant doubt their practical effect on the other members of the cabinet! The right hon. gentleman in conclusion affirmed, that he had seen not only no desire to grant any thing to the

catholics, but not even a disposition that an inquiry should be instituted.

Lord Castlereagh approved highly of the manner in which the motion had been met by the amendment, since, a direct negative might have been subject to serious misconstruction. The right distinction had been taken in saying that the House was not from circumstances justified at this time to interfere, not that it ought not to interfere at all. He then entered into a defence of the ministers, and of his own conduct; and asserted, that being aware that his presence might have embar rassed government in the object of availing themselves of those talents and connexions which were deeined beneficial to the state, he had tendered his resignation to his royal highness. Adverting to the case of Mr. Canning, he said that gentleman had refused the co-operation of his talents, because he could not carry a particular point; but ought he not to have apprized the House what his practical opinion on the subject was, and what was the plan by which the measure might be carried into execution? He felt as much as any man the fundamental importance of the catholic question, but it was ridicu lous to talk of creating a government simply for its discussion. He then touched upon the securities requisite from the catholic body, prior to the granting of their claims, and denied that he himself had given them any positive pledge for concession at the time of the union. He spoke of the great exer. tions made by the ministry for the support of the war in the peninsula; and concluded with deprecating

the

the stamping of a stigma on an administration, the whole of which was not yet before the House, and throwing discredit on a government when there was little prospect of substituting a better in its

-room.

Sir John Newport made an animated attack upon the last noble lord, as having violated the promises by which he carried the

union.

The House at length divided on the amendment, when there appeared for it 170, against it 174; majority against ministers, 4.

Mr. Wortley's motion was then carried without a division. Mr. W. next moved that the address should be presented by the whole House; but Mr. Yorke having declared his intention of moving the previous question upon it, Mr. Wortley altered his motion to that of its being presented by such members of the House as are of his Majesty's privy council. A division ensued, in which the motion was negatived by 176 to 174. Mr. Wortley expressed his utter surprize that a motion of such high importance should by any management of finesse be suffered to remain a dead letter. A debate followed in which the Speaker was appealed to in order to extricate the House from the disagreeable embarrassment it had got into. After some discussions on the point of order, Mr. Wynn moved "that the address be presented to his royal highness the Regent by Mr. - Stuart Wortley and Lord Viscount Milton." This proposal was agreed to without a division; Mr. W. asserting that he should consider the day on which he presented the adddress as the proudest of his - life.

The address was accordingly presented, and on May 22d Mr. Wortley reported the following answer from his royal highness: "I shall take into my serious and immediate consideration the address which I received from the House of Commons."

A change in the ministry now became the most interesting topic of the time: and as it occasioned much discussion and conversation in both houses of parliament, we shall proceed to give a succinct and uninterrupted relation of the

most remarkable circumstances attending it, to its final close.

Mr. Brougham first incidentally introduced the subject on May 26th, when, making a motion for an account of the London dock duties, he took occasion to observe that it was then understood " that the same vigorous and efficient administration as guided the councils of the country during the last week, possessed again the confidence of the Prince Regent, and expected to regain the confidence of the House of Commons." He also had been informed that there was an intention of moving an adjournment of the House this day, which he greatly deprecated.

Mr. Whitbread followed with a direct address to the noble lord (Castlereagh) requesting from him some distinct information respecting his own situation and the progress made in forming an efficient administration.

His lordship in answer said, that he knew of no intention of moving an adjournment; and that his own situation was now precisely what it was last Friday (22nd), he and his colleagues still retaining their offices during the interim occupied in concerting arrangements, [G 2]

on an extended basis. It is worthy of notice, though not directly connected with this topic, that, adverting to an observation made by Mr. Whitbread, his lordship, at this period, totally disclaimed any knowledge whatever that this country was on the eve of a war with America.

On May 30th Mr. Martin of Galway announced his intention of moving on the next Wednesday, if something were not done to prevent it, an address to the Prince Regent, beseeching him to carry into effect without delay his gracious declaration in answer to the address of the House of Commons.

On June 1st Mr. Canning rose for the purpose of apprizing the last hon. member and Mr. WortHey, that he had on that day received an intimation from a noble friend of his in the other house, that upon the morning of that day, the Prince Regent had given diractions to him (the Marquis of Wellesley) to proceed forthwith in taking such measures as appeared 'to him best calculated to form a strong and efficient administration.

Mr. Wortley then, in consequence of some statements which had appeared in the newspapers, put the following questions to Mr. Ponsonby: 1. Whether any person, up to this morning, did make any proposition to the right hon. gentleman, or to any of his right hon. friends, to form part of an administration; and did they give a refusal on personal grounds, or on what other grounds? 2. Whether in what had passed in those propositions, if any were made, his friends insisted on any, and what, conditions?" Mr. Ponsonby answered

On Monday, June 3d, the matter was taken up in the House of Lords, after a motion for adjournment from the Earl of Liverpool. The Duke of Norfolk begged previously to ask of the Earl if he was only a temporary minister until a successor was appointed. The Earl replied that he was in the same situation he held on Friday se'nnight, in which he continued only till the Prince Regent should be pleased to signify his pleasure as to any future arrangement.

The Marquis Wellesley then rose and informed the house that the Prince Regent had been pleased to require his opinion with a view to the formation of an administra tion, and that he had stated this opinion with the freedom which his duty demanded; further, that he had this day tendered to his royal highness his resignation of the authority thus vested in him, which had been accepted. He then lamented, that the most dreadful personal animosities, and the most terrible difficulties arising out of questions the most compli cated and important, should have interposed obstacles to an arrange. ment so essential to the public welfare. He had desired and obtained his royal highness's permission to state to the House all the circumstances of this transac tion in which he had any share, but at the same time his advice was that such disclosure should not be called for, under the conviction that at the present crisis it would be highly mischievous. Earl Stanhope thought it was the duty of