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patriotism burns throughout the whole extent of the Peninsula,that the war becomes every day more obstinate, your hatred to a foreign domination more inextinguishable,-the desire of vengeance stronger,-your love of liberty and of our legitimate king, Ferdinand the Seventh, more inHamed: but it is also true, that now is the time to render such great sacrifices more useful, to exterminate with decision the abuses which are devouring us as the inevitable consequences of our ancient disorder, which could not be repaired amidst so many agitations. It is now time to apply with effect the great resources which we possess to the desired object which occupies our minds. Such are the duties of your new government : it acknowledges them publicly, and it promises their fulfilment. O Spaniards! fulfil your duties with the greatest constancy, and the most indefatigable energy. There have reached the govern'ment, the cries of the armies which "defend us, depicting their painful privations; the groans of the inhabitants of districts ready to fall under the yoke of the barbarous invaders; the complaints of the 'provinces already occupied, always Toyal, though oppressed and laid "waste. Behold the situation of your new government; hear the demands which are made upon its attention, at the very monent of its commencing its painful functions; behold the extent of its wants! To answer your own wishes and those of your representatives, it is necessary to overcome all the obstacles which have enfeebled the arrangements of au

thority, and to support the dignity of the government with a Majesty corresponding to that of the people by whom it has been form ed. The very nature of this war, in which the sacred interests of religion, of the nation, and of the king are defended, imperiously require it. The impetuous and persevering character of the enemy requires it also. The strength of our alliances must be founded on this; and the safety of the country depends entirely and exclusively on the strictest union between all, and on the strength of government.

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The Regency, deeply persuaded of this incontrovertible truth, will act with firmness in the perform ance of their delicate trust they will watch, with the greatest activity, over the fate of the brave defenders of the country. They will give a fixed system to all the branches of the public admini tra tion under their control-will reward those who deserve well of the country, will apply all their exeftions to the expulsion of the enemy from our soil, and to maintain the empire of justice. But they will, at the same time, be inexorable towards those who are wanting in the performance of their duties, or who do not yield obedience to their resolves. Authority is pull, if it be not respected." Anardy then diffuses its deadly poi-on, social order is subverted, and the State advances to the n ost frightful dissolution, Cease, now and henceforward, all personal preten sions; the ill understood feelings of interest dictated by provincial spirit; exemptions unjustly demanded at this period of desolation:

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writings which, while they ought to create the most ardent patriotism, to unite and enlighten the nation, appeared inspired by the enemy for the purpose of dividing it! Cease; and let the nation appear with all the power which it possesses, and which it has displayed vigorously at different periods of its grand insurrection! The danger is great; the government neither wishes, nor ought to conceal it let the sacrifices also be great. The Regency will spare no exertions to fulfil its duties: and even though it should see itself on the brink of a precipice, it will there exercise its last act of vigour in burying itself under the ruins of the country; thus corresponding to the resolutions which you all have formed, and to the confidence reposed in it by the National Congress. But, that fatal moment, Spaniards! shall not arrive. We have all sworn to be free. To attain that object, let us devote the remains of our ancient opulence, exhaust our resources, and prodigally shed our blood. Of what importance are all those, when we wish to maintain the glory of our contest, our precious liberty, and the respect due to the Spanish name? Who with an avaricious hand would conceal those barren treasures which the country demands, and which the enemy contemplates with a greedy and rapacious eye? Who would utter the voice of dismay for the purpose of coming to terms with the tyrant? Who will oppose himself to the legitimate authority which has emanated from the Cortes, and dare to disobey it, in the hope of an impunity created by the discredit of Government, and a want of conVOL. LIV.

fidence on the part of the People? Omissions and want of obedience can no longer be overlooked. The Spaniards desire that the Government should be consolidated; and that order should be established; which can alone be the fruit of a constitutional system, dictated by the representatives of the nation: they wish that there should be an equality of sacrifices among those who enjoy the rights of citizens: they wish that the Government, impressed with a sense of its unbounded obligations, shall employ all its zeal in annihilating the enemy's legions, and in confirming the constitution of the Monarchy. As long as the Regency exercises the authority entrusted to it, it will constantly endeavour to satisfy this anxions desire of the public mind, founded upon principles of equity and justice.

Spaniards! Our danger is imminent. Our fate must either be that of the most ignominious slavery, or the possession of glory and independence. The Govern ment has been formed to advance the latter, and to open to you the path of greatness. Respect it; confide in your representatives and in it: all of them act towards the same object; all co-operate to attain the ultimate triumph which Providence has destined for us. You, on your part, will go on prosecuting eternal war against the tyrant; you will die sooner than submit to wear the chains of servitude; you will effectually oppose those domestic enemies who endeavour to produce disunion, or destroy the generous institutions which you have decreed. Thus, doubtless, will you act, and you 2 E

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shall be free: your Government assures you of it. You shall be free!

(Signed)

JOAQUIN MOSQUERA Y FIGUEROA. President.

Cadiz, Jan. 23, 1812.

Treaty of Alliance concluded the 24th February, between his ajesty the King of Prussia and his Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, &c. and ratified at Berlin the 5th of March, 1812.

His Majesty the King of Prussia, and his Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine, Mediator of the Swiss Confederation, &c. wishing to bind more closely the ties which unite them, have named for their plenipotentiaries, namely: his Majesty the King of Prussia, M. Frederick William Louis Baron de Krusemark, Major-gen. his Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to his Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, Chevalier of the Great Order of the Eagle and that of Merit; his Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, &c. M. Hugues Bernard Count Maret, the Duke of Bassano, Grand Eagle of Legion of Honour, Commander of the Order of the Iron Crown, Grand Cross of the Order of St. Etienne, of Hungary, St. Hubert of Bavaria, and of the Crown of Saxony, Chevalier of the Order of the Persian Sun of the 1st Order, Grand Cross of the Order of Fidelity of Baden, one of the Forty of the 2d Class of the Imperial French Institute, his Minister for 2.67

Foreign affairs, who, after having communicated their respective full powers, agreed upon the following articles:

Art 1. There shall be a defen sive alliance between his Majesty the King of Prussia, and his Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, their heirs and suc cessors, against all the powers of Europe, with which either of the contracting parties has or shall en ter into war.

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Art. 2. The two high contracting powers reciprocally guarantee to each other the integrity of their present territory.

Art. 3. In case of the present alliance being brought to effect, and every time when such case shall happen, the contracting powers will fix upon the measures needful to be taken, by a particu lar convention.

Art. 4. Every time that Eng land shall make any attempts upon the rights of commerce, either by declaring in a state of blockade the coasts of one or other of the con tracting parties, or any other disposition contrary to the maritime rights consecrated by the treaty of Utrecht, all the ports and coasts of the said powers shall be equally interdicted to the ships of neutral nations, who suffer the indepen dence of their flag to be vio lated.

Art. 5. The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at Berlin, within the space of ten days, or sooner if possible.

Done and signed at Paris, the 24th of February, 1812. (Signed)

The Duke of BASSANO,
The Baron KRUSEMARE

Treat

Treaty of Alliance of the 14th of March, between their Majesties the Emperor and King, and the Emperor of Austria.

His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, &c. &c, and his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, &c. having at heart the perpetuating the amity and good intelligence which exist between them, and to concur by the friendship and force of their union in maintaining the peace of the Continent, and the re-establishment of internal peace:

Considering that nothing would be more calculated to produce those happy results than the conclusion of a treaty of alliance, which should have for its object the security of their estates and possessions, and the guarantee of the principal interests of their respective policies, have named for their Plenipotentiaries,

2. His Majesty the Emperor of the French, &c. M. Hugues Bernard, Count Maret, Duke de Bassano, &c.

And his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, &c. the Prince Charles of Schwartzenberg, Duke de Kruseman, &c. who, after having exchanged their respective full powers, have agreed upon the following articles :

Art. 1. There shall be perpetual amity, and sincere Union and Alliance, between his Majesty the Emperor of the French, &c. and bis Majesty the Emperor of Austria, &c. In consequence the high contracting parties will take the greatest care to maintain the good in telligence so happily established between them, their respective

states and subjects, to avoid all that could injure it, and to further on every occasion their mutual utility, honour and advantage.

Art. 2. The two high contract. ing parties reciprocally guarantee the integrity of their present territories.

Art. 3. As the result of this reciprocal guarantee, the two high contracting parties will always labour to concert upon the measures that shall appear the most proper for the maintenance of peace; and in case the states of one or other shall be threatened with invasion, they will employ their most efficacious offices to prevent it.

But as these good offices may not have the desired effect, they oblige themselves to mutual assist→ ance in case one or other shall be attacked or menaced.

Art. 4. The succour stipulated by the preceding article shall be composed of 30,000 new (24,000 infantry, and 6,000 cavalry), con stantly kept up to the war establishment, and of a park of 60 pieces of cannon.

Art. 5. This succour shall be furnished at the first requisition of the party attacked or menaced. It shali march in the shortest de lay, and at the latest before the end of two months after the demand shall have been made.

Art. 6. The two high contracting parties guarantee the integrity of the territory of the Ottoman Porte in Europe.

Art. 7. They equally recognise and guarantee the principles of the Navigation of Neutrals, such as they have been recognised and consecrated by the Treaty of Utrecht.

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His Majesty the Emperor of Austria renews, as far as is needful, the engagement to adhere to the prohibitive system against England, during the present maritime war.

Art. 8. The present Treaty of Alliance shall not be rendered public, nor communicated to any Cabinet, but in concert between the two High Parties.

It shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at Vienna in a fortnight, or sooner if possible.

(Signed)

H. B. Duke of BASSANO. Prince CHAS. of Schwartzenburg. Done and Signed at Paris, March 14, 1812.

Correspondence between the French and English Ministers on a Proposal for Peace.

Copy of a Letter addressed by the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Lord Castlereagh, Sedcretary of State for Foreign Affairs to his Britannic Majesty.

"Paris, April 17, 1812. "SIR, His Majesty, constantly actuated by sentiments friendly to moderation and peace, is pleased again to make a solemn and sincere attempt to put an end to the miseries of war.

"The awful circumstances in which the world is at present placed, have induced a resolution in the breast of his Majesty, the result of which has been, to authorise me to explain to you, Sir, his views and intentions.

Many changes have taken place in Europe for the last ten

years, which have been the neces sary consequence of the war between France and England, and many more changes will be effected by the same cause. The particular character which the war has assumed, may add to the extent and duration of these results. Exclusive and arbitrary principles cannot be combated but by an opposition without measure or end; and the system of preservation and resistance should have the same character of universality, perseverance, and vigour.

"The Peace of Amiens, if it had been observed, would have prevented much confusion."

"I heartily wish that the expe rience of the past may not be lost for the future.

"His Majesty has often stepped when the most certain triumphs lay before him, and turned round to invoke peace.

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"In 1805, secure as he was by the advantage of his situation, and in spite of the confidence which he might reasonably feel in antici pations which Fortune was about to realize, he made proposals to his Britannic Majesty, which were rejected, on the ground that Russia should be consulted. In 1808, new proposals were made, in concert with Russia. England alleg ed the necessity of an intervention, which could be no more than the result of the negociation itself. In 1810, his Majesty, having clearly discerned that the British Orders in Council of 1807, rendered the conduct of the war incompatible with the independence of Holland, caused indirect overtures to Be made towards procuring the return of peace. They were fruitless; and the consequence was, that new provinces

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