The massacre of the monks of Bangor, and the state of warfare and animosity which succeeded, had no favourable tendency upon the minds of the Cambrian clergy. They continued resolutely to maintain the independence of their church and their country, although exposed to the most powerful hostilities from the kings of the English Saxons. The latter days of Augustine were coeval with the tyrant Phocas, under whose reign Boniface, pope of Rome, was proclaimed universal bishop, or head of the whole Christian church. The triumph of superstition and ecclesiastical tyranny may be dated from that period, although the mystery of iniquity had long since begun to work. The remnant of the old Britons, as well as the Irish and Scottish Christians, were fixed in their determination not to be subjugated by any foreign prince, power, or prelate; and to maintain a simplicity in religion, the reverse of which prevailed among the adherents of Rome. That these, our ancestors, were not free from various superstitions, we have before admitted; and referred to documents that give incontestible proofs of it: such are the extracts from the Landaff manuscript, adduced by Ussher and others; several notices of those early ages in the Triads; and the monumental crosses at Lantwit, in Glamorganshire. The latter must have been set up as early as A. D. 500; but, allowing that before the age of Augustine the British church was not entirely free from the superstitions of Rome, it was noble and great to resist so undauntedly the tyrannical power of ROME.

In the poems of Taliesin we meet with shreds and patches of Christianity mingled with a certain cabbalism, arising from the reliques of Druid lore: but either that Bard, or more probably one who wrote after the coming over of the missionaries from Rome, has left some rude stanzas containing severe reprehensions of a false and

defective religion, upholding avarice and oppression, and destitute of mercy and justice.*

The laziness of the monks, and the dissoluteness of the people, are severely lashed by the Bard. Imprecations are denounced against sensuality, falsehood, and treachery; and against him that gains wealth by injustice; who is unfeeling to the poor, and distributes none of his possessions to the relief of the indigent, shutting his door against the pilgrim, and neglecting to assist the captive and the afflicted. The Bard writes as one who understood that religion does not consist in mere external forms, but in justice, and mercy, and the love of God.

Among our ancient fragments we have some pieces ascribed to the sage Cattocus, the first president, or abbot, of the religious institution, at Lancarvan. Many of the saints, or monks, of those ages, were Bards; and had a great taste, according to the manner of the CambroBritons, for sententious sayings, pious or sage adages, and proverbial maxims. Many of these are beautifully

The whole of the poem is much of the same tendency with the declamatory invectives of Gildas, who paints the manners of his age in the blackest colours; and charges even the clergy with every foul vice.

concise; containing fine morality, good sense, and depth of thinking. This saint was so highly famed for his wisdom and promptitude, as the author of those proverbial sentences, that his fame became oracular; and his repute so high, that considerable collections of ethical maxims pass under his name; a small part of which only were his in reality,

In the age of Augustine our ancestors were not, therefore, deficient of names highly revered among their departed saints; nor of persons, most probably then living, who had wit enough to ridicule the high pretensions, and pompous arrogance, of Augustine, the monk. Laurentius, the successor of that prelate, endeavoured, by expostulatory epistles, to gain over the Britons and the Scots to conform to all the ceremonies, and submit to the authority of Rome; but without success. Laurentius complains that the Scots were equally obstinate with the Britons of Wales, in opposing "the customs of the universal church." The bishop says, "We thought the Scots had been better: but we have been informed that the Scots no way differ from the Britons in their behaviour; for Bishop Dagan coming to us, not only refused to eat with us, but even to take his repast in the same house where we were entertained."

In this state of things the successors of Augustine could receive no assistance or co-operation from the old British Christians, towards the conversion of the Pagan English; and there were other causes that retarded so desirable an event, arising from the continual state of warfare among the different princes of the island.

Christianity was first established in Yorkshire, and the northern counties, during the reign of Edwin: and Paulinus was the person by whose means the Saxons of that part of the country renounced idolatry. But before we enter upon the particulars connected with that event,

we shall pay some attention to the history of Edwin; and his wars with Caswallon, the king of North Wales.

Upon the death of Ella, the father of Edwin, the ambition of Edelfrith, the Northumbrian, led him to seize the dominion of the infant prince of Deira, who was conveyed into Wales, where he met with a hospitable retreat in the court of Cadvan, the king of that country. He was brought up with Caswallon, the king's son, until either being obliged to remove, or thinking it unsafe to continue there, he became a destitute wanderer; and under such circumstances he implored the hospitality of Redwald, king of the East Angles. There he was pur sued by his restless enemy, who proposed a great reward to his protector for procuring his assassination. The matter was made known to Edwin by a faithful friend, by whom he was advised to make a precipitate flight: but he relied on the king's honour; and thought it better, should he be deceived, rather to fall a victim to treachery, than continue to live a friendless fugitive. The queen befriended him; and urged upon the king to preserve his faith inviolate, and never to consent to betray his distressed friend for gold.

The refusal of Redwald, to comply with the infamous proposal of the ambitious monarch of Northumberland, was considered as an insult to the latter. Preparations were now made for war; and the two kings met in battle on the banks of the river Idel, in Nottinghamshire. A division of the troops of Redwald were at first defeated; and he lost his son in the first engagement: but, renew ing the action with a fresh division of his troops, he sustained the furious assault of Edelfrith with such intrepid valour, that the impetuosity of the monarch, long ac customed to conquer, only hastened his ruin. Success appeared on Redwald's side; and Divine Providence favoured the cause of Edwin: the slaughterer of the

monks of Bangor, the usurper of Deira, fell. Edwin was not only restored to his paternal territories; but, with the assistance of Redwald, Bernicia was subjected to his sway. Redwald now gained the pre-eminence among the Saxon princes; and that station, upon his death, was assumed by Edwin.

North Wales had been subjected and made tributary to Edelfrith: and Edwin was ambitious to maintain the same ascendency over Cadwallon, the son, that his predecessor had over the father. But Cadwallon was for retaining the title of king of the Britons; and, instead of owning any subjection, regarded Edwin as a Saxon, not entitled to assume regal honours.* Cadwallon marched his forces to the North of England, and resolved to chastise the ambition of Edwin. He laid Deira waste; and pursued his desolating progress into Bernicia, or the country beyond the Tees: but in the neighbourhood of Morpeth his progress was arrested, and the troops of Edwin proved victorious. Cadwallon, according to the British history, being overpowered, fled into Ireland, where he continued in a state of exile for seven years; while Edwin held his territories in subjection. A. D. 620.

Cadwallon is the prince whom Bede calls Ceadwalla; and complains of the terrible devastations he committed, sparing neither age, sex, nor condition; while at the same time he bore the name of a Christian prince! But what were some of the Saxon kings even after their profession of Christianity? A state of warfare is inimical to religion; it is irreconcileable with the pure Gospel of Christ. It can, at any rate, be considered only as a dire expedient in cases of extremity; when princes and subjects become insensible to the voice of humanity, the

* British History by Griffith ap Arthur.