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12

DISCIPLINE.

[CH. L ensign in the hour of danger. These motives, which derived their strength from the imagination, were enforced by fears and hopes of a more substantial kind. Regular pay, occasional donatives, and a stated recompence after the appointed time of service, alleviated the hardships of the military life; whilst, on the other hand, it was impossible for cowardice or disobedience to escape the severest punishment. The centurions were authorized to chastise with blows, the generals had a right to punish with death; and it was an inflexible maxim of Roman discipline, that a good soldier should dread his officers far more than the enemy. From such laudable arts did the valour of the imperial troops receive a degree of firmness and docility, unattainable by the impetuous and irregular passions of barbarians.

And yet so sensible were the Romans of the imperfection of valour without skill and practice, that in their language, the name of an army was borrowed from the word which signified exercise. Military exercises were the important and unremitted object of their discipline. The recruits and young soldiers were constantly trained both in the morning and in the evening, nor was age or knowledge allowed to excuse the veterans from the daily repetition of what they had completely learnt. Large sheds were erected in the winter-quarters of the troops, that their useful labours might not receive any interruption from the most tempestuous weather; and it was carefully observed, that the arms destined to this imitation of war, should be of double the weight which was required in real action.§ It is not the

* Tacitus calls the Roman eagles Beilorum Deos. They were placed in a chapel in the camp, and with the other deities received the religious worship of the troops. + See Gronovius de Pecuniâ Vetere, 1. 3, p. 120, &c. The Emperor Domitian raised the annual stipend of the legionaries to twelve pieces of gold, which, in his time, was equivalent to about ten of our guineas. This pay, somewhat higher than our own, had been, and was afterwards, gradually increased, according to the progress of wealth and military government. After twenty years' service, the veteran received three thousand denarii (about 1007. sterling), or a proportionable allowance of land. The pay and advantages of the guards were, in general, about double those of the legions. Exercitus ab exercitando, Varro de Linguâ Latina, 1. 4. Cicero in Tusculan. 1. 2, 37. There is room for a very interesting work, which should lay open the connexion between the languages and manners of nations. § Vegetius, 1. 2, and the rest of his first book.

purpose of this work to enter into any minute description of the Roman exercises. We shall only remark, that they comprehended whatever could add strength to the body, activity to the limbs, or grace to the motions. The soldiers were diligently instructed to march, to run, to leap, to swim, to carry heavy burdens, to handle every species of arms that was used either for offence or for defence, either in distant engagement, or in a closer onset; to form a variety of evolutions; and to move to the sound of flutes, in the Pyrrhic or martial dance.* In the midst of peace, the Roman troops familiarized themselves with the practice of war; and it is prettily remarked by an ancient historian who had fought against them, that the effusion of blood was the only circumstance which distinguished a field of battle from a field of exercise. It was the policy of the ablest generals, and even of the emperors themselves, to encourage these military studies by their presence and example; and we are informed that Hadrian, as well as Trajan, frequently condescended to instruct the inexperienced soldiers, to reward the diligent, and sometimes to dispute with them the prize of superior strength or dexterity. Under the reigns of those princes, the science of tactics was cultivated with suc cess; and as long as the empire retained any vigour, their military instructions were respected as the most perfect model of Roman discipline.

Nine centuries of war had gradually introduced into the service many alterations and improvements. The legions, as they are described by Polybius,§ in the time of the Punic wars, differed very materially from those which achieved the victories of Cæsar, or defended the monarchy of Hadrian and the Antonines. The constitution of the imperial legion may be described in a few words. The heavy-armed in* The Pyrrhic dance is extremely well illustrated by M. le Beau, in the Académie des Inscriptions, tom. 35, p. 262, &c. That learned academician, in a series of Memoirs, has collected all the passages of the ancients that relate to the Roman legion. + Joseph. de Bell. Judaico, 1. 3, c. 5. We are indebted to this Jew for some very curious details of Roman discipline Plin. Panegyr. c. 13. Life of Hadrian, in the Augustan History. § See an admirable digression on the Roman discipline, in the sixth book of his history. Vegetius de Re Militari, 1. 2, c. 4, &c. Considerable part of his very perplexed abridgment was taken from the regulations of Trajan and Hadrian; and the legion, as he describes it, cannot suit any other age of the Roman empire.

11

THE LEGIONS.

[CH. I. fantry, which composed its principal strength, was divided into ten cohorts, and fifty-five companies, under the orders of a correspondent number of tribunes and centurions. The first cohort, which always claimed the post of honour and the custody of the eagle, was formed of eleven hundred and five soldiers, the most approved for valour and fidelity. The remaining nine cohorts consisted each of five hundred and fifty-five; and the whole body of legionary infantry amounted to six thousand one hundred men. Their arms were uniform, and admirably adapted to the nature of their service: an open helmet, with a lofty crest; a breast-plate, or coat of mail; greaves on their legs, and an ample buckler on their left arm. The buckler was of an oblong and concave figure, four feet in length, and two and a half in breadth, framed of a light wood, covered with a bull's hide, and strongly guarded with plates of brass. Besides a lighter spear, the legionary soldier grasped in his right hand the formidable pilum, a ponderous javelin, whose utmost length was about six feet, and which was terminated by a massy triangular point of steel of eighteen inches. This instrument was indeed much inferior to our modern fire-arms; since it was exhausted by a single discharge, at the distance of only ten or twelve paces. Yet when it was launched by a firm and skilful hand, there was not any cavalry that durst venture within its reach, nor any shield or corslet that could sustain the impetuosity of its weight. As soon as the Roman had darted his pilum, he drew his sword, and rushed

*Vegetius de Re Militari, 1. 2, c. 1. In the purer age of Cæsar and Cicero, the word miles was almost confined to the infantry. Under the lower empire, and in the times of chivalry, it was appropriated almost as exclusively to the men at arms, who fought on horseback. [The expression employed by Gibbon is somewhat too strong, when he says, "the word miles was almost confined to the infantry." It is true, that Cicero, Cæsar, most frequently, Livy, Justin, and others, used it in this sense. (See Gronovius, ad Liv. xxvi. 19; xxviii. 1, and Grævius, ad Justin. xiii. 3.) The strength of the Roman army, like those of all nations that have understood the art of war, consisted in its infantry. In the decline of the empire, more reliance was placed on the cavalry, and miles then often denoted a horse-soldier. This was the case from the fourth through all succeeding centuries. Compare Schelii note in Hygini Lib. de Castris Romanis, p. 38, with Du Fresne, Glossar. v. Miles, n. 5.—WENCK.] In the time of

Polybius and Dionysius of Halicarnassus (1. 5, c. 45), the steel point of the pilum seems to have been much longer. In the time of Vegetius, it was reduced to a foot, or even nine inches. I have chosen a medium.

forwards to close with the enemy. His sword was a short well-tempered Spanish blade, that carried a double edge, and was alike suited to the purpose of striking or. of pushing; but the soldier was always instructed to prefer the latter use of his weapon, as his own body remained less exposed, whilst he inflicted a more dangerous wound on his adversary. The legion was usually drawn up eight deep; and the regular distance of three feet was left between the files as well as ranks.t A body of troops habituated to preserve this open order, in a long front and a rapid charge, found themselves prepared to execute every disposition which the circumstances of war or the skill of their leader might suggest. The soldier possessed a free space for his arms and motions, and sufficient intervals were allowed, through which seasonable reinforcements might be introduced to the relief of the exhausted combatants. The tactics of the Greeks and Macedonians were formed on very different principles. The strength of the phalanx depended on sixteen ranks of long pikes, wedged together in the closest array.§ But it was soon discovered by reflection, as well as by the event, that the strength of the phalanx was unable to contend with the activity of the legion.

The cavalry, without which the force of the legion would have remained imperfect, was divided into ten troops or squadrons; the first, as the companion of the first cohort, consisted of a hundred and thirty-two men ; whilst each of the other nine amounted only to sixty-six. The entire

establishment formed a regiment, if we may use the modern expression, of seven hundred and twenty-six horse, naturally connected with its respective legion, but occasionally separated to act in the line, and to compose a part of the wings of the army.** The cavalry of the emperors was no

c. 2-7.

For the legionary arms, see Lipsius de Militia Romana, 1. 3, + See the beautiful comparison of Virgil, Georgic 2, v. 279. M. Guichard, Mémoires Militaires, tom. 1, c. 4, and Nouveaux Mémoires, tomel, p. 293-311, has treated the subject like a scholar and an officer. § See Arrian's Tactics. With the true partiality of a Greek, Arrian rather chose to describe the phalanx, of which he had read, than the legions which he had commanded. ¶ Polyb. 1. 17

** Veget. de Re Militari, 1. 2, c. 6. His positive testimony, which might be supported by circumstantial evidence, ought surely to silence those critics who refuse the imperial legion its proper body of cavalry.

16

CAVALRY.

[сн.

longer composed, like that of the ancient republic, of the noblest youths of Rome and Italy, who, by performing their military service on horseback, prepared themselves for the offices of senator and consul; and solicited, by deeds of valour, the future suffrages of their countrymen.* Since the alteration of manners and government, the most wealthy of the equestrian order were engaged in the administra tion of justice, and of the revenue:† and whenever they embraced the profession of arms, they were immediately intrusted with a troop of horse, or a cohort of foot.‡ Trajan

+ Plin.

* See Livy almost throughout, particularly xlii. 61. Hist. Natur. 33, 2. The true sense of that very curious passage was first discovered and illustrated by M. de Beaufort, République Romaine, 1. 2, c. 2. As in the instance of Horace and Agricola. This appears to have been a defect in the Roman discipline, which Hadrian endeavoured to remedy, by ascertaining the legal age of a tribune. [In this note, as well as in the text, there is a want of accuracy and precision. While the republic was yet free, patricians, and sometimes the consuls themselves, were tribunes of the soldiers. (See Livy xlii. 49; xliii. 5; xliv. 37.) According to rule, they were in part from the equestrian order and in part plebeians; but the former must have served in five campaigns, and the latter in ten, before they were held to be qualified by experience for this rank. (Polyb. vi. 17, cum Lips.) In the last days of the republic, this rule was no longer so strictly observed. Favour and interest often prevailed in the choice of the tribunes, whether elected by the people (comitiati), named by the consuls (Rufuli), or appointed by proconsuls and proprætors, when the legions had become a standing force. Still some previous military service was required. This usually commenced in the prætorian cohort, which formed the general's body guard, and the first rudiments of the art were acquired by companionship (contubernium) with some officer of high standing. It was thus that Julius Cæsar, although born of a great family, served as contubernalis, first with the prætor M. Thermus, and afterwards with Servilius Isauricus, and then he conducted successfully some bold attacks on pirates and on Mithridates, in Pontus, before he was raised by popular favour to the dignity of a tribune. (Suet. Jul. 2, 5; Plutarch, in Parall. p. 516, ed. Froben.) The example of Horace, adduced by Gibbon to show that young members of the equestrian order were made tribunes as soon as they entered the service, proves nothing. First, Horace did not belong to that order. He was the son of a freedman of Venusia, in Apulia, who held the inconsiderable office of collector at public auctions (coactor exactionum). See Horace, Sat. 1, 6, 26. Then, too, when the poet was made a tribune, Brutus, whose army was almost entirely composed of Orientals, gave this rank to any well-educated Roman who joined him. He found Horace at Athens, and had known and esteemed him before at Rome. The emperors were still less particular, and more guided by private views in their choice; the number of the tribunes was increased, and

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