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|CH. VI. of the revenue.* For it is somewhat singular that, in every age, the best and wisest of the Roman governors persevered in this pernicious method of collecting the principal branches at least of the excise and customs.t

The sentiments, and indeed the situation of Caracalla, were very different from those of the Antonines. Inatten tive, or rather averse, to the welfare of his people, he found himself under the necessity of gratifying the insatiate avarice which he had excited in the army. Of the several impositions introduced by Augustus, the twentieth on inheritances and legacies was the most fruitful as well as the most comprehensive. As its influence was not confined to Rome or Italy, the produce continually increased with the gradual extension of the Roman City. The new citizens, though charged on equal terms with the payment of new taxes, which had not affected them as subjects, derived an ample compensation from the rank they obtained, the privileges they acquired, and the fair prospect of honours and fortune that was thrown open to their ambition. But the favour which implied a distinction was lost in the prodigality of Caracalla, and the reluctant provincials were compelled to assume the vain title, and the real obligations, of Roman citizens. Nor was the rapacious son of Severus contented with such a measure of taxation as had appeared sufficient to his moderate predecessors. Instead of a twentieth, he exacted a tenth of all legacies and inheritances; and during his reign (for the ancient proportion was restored after his death) he crushed alike every part of the empire under the weight of his iron sceptre.§

13, 50. Esprit des Loix, 1. 12, c. 19. * See Pliny's Panegyric, the Augustan History, and Burmann, de Vectigal. passim. + The tributes (properly so called) were not farmed, since the good princes often remitted many millions of arrears. The situation of the new citizens is minutely described by Pliny. (Panegyric. c. 37, 38.) Trajan published a law very much in their favour. § Dion, 1. 77, p. 1295. Gibbon has here adopted the opinion, generally received on the authority of Spanheim and Burmann, who attribute to Caracalla the edict by which all the inhabitants of the provinces were made citizens of Rome. This, however, is not an undisputed point. The passage in Dion, on which it rests, is very suspicious. His epitomizers, Xiphilin and Zonaras, knew it not. We have it only as a detached portion from the Excerpta of the emperor Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, to which we cannot give implicit faith. In many passages of Spartianus, Aure

When the provincials became liable to the peculiar impositions of Raman citizens, they seemed to acquire a legal exemption from the tributes which they had paid in their former condition of subjects. Such were not the maxims of government adopted by Caracalla and his pretended son. The old as well as the new taxes were, at the same time, levied in the provinces. It was reserved for the virtue of Alexander to relieve them, in a great measure, from this intolerable grievance, by reducing the tributes to a thirtieth part of the sum exacted at the time of his accession.* It is impossible to conjecture the motives that engaged him to spare so trifling a remnant of the public evil; but the noxious weed, which had not been totally eradicated, again sprung up with the most luxuriant growth, and, in the succeeding age, darkened the Roman world with its deadly shade. In the course of this history, we shall be too often summoned to explain the land-tax, the capitation, and the heavy contributions of corn, wine, oil, and meat, which were extracted from the provinces for the use of the army and the capital.

As long as Rome and Italy were respected as the centre government, a national spirit was preserved by the ancient, and insensibly imbibed by the adopted, citizens. The principal commands of the army were filled by men who had received a liberal education, were well instructed in the advantages of laws and letters, and who had risen, by equal steps, through the regular succession of civil and military honours. To their influence and example we may

lius Victor, and Aristides, the edict is said to have been issued by Marcus Antoninus the philosopher. I refer those who are curious on this subject to a learned dissertation, in very bad Latin, but prepared with great industry, entitled "Joh. P. Mahneri Commentatio de Marco Aurelio Antonino, constitutionis de civitate universo orbi Romano data auctore. Hala, 8vo. 1772." It appears that Marcus Aurelius introduced into his edict clauses which relieved the provincials from some of the burdens imposed on them by the freedom of the city, and withheld from them some of the advantages which it conferred. These clauses Caracalla repealed, and so converted the privilege into an injury.-WENCK.] *He who paid ten aurei, the usual tribute, was charged with no more than the third part of an aureus, and propor tional pieces of gold were coined by Alexander's order. Hist. August. p. 127, with the commentary of Salmasius. + See the lives of Agricola, Vespasian, Trajan, Severus, and his three competitors, and indeed of all the eminent men of those times.

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[CH. VII. partly ascribe the modest obedience of the legions during the two first centuries of the imperial history.

But when the last enclosure of the Roman constitution was trampled down by Caracalla, the separation of professions gradually succeeded to the distinction of ranks. The more polished citizens of the internal provinces were alone qualified to act as lawyers and magistrates. The rougher trade of arms was abandoned to the peasants and barbarians of the frontiers, who knew no country but their camp, no science but that of war, no civil laws, and scarcely those of military discipline. With bloody hands, savage manners, and desperate resolutions, they sometimes guarded, but much oftener subverted, the throne of the emperors.

CHAPTER VII.—THE ELEVATION AND TYRANNY OF MAXIMIN.-REBEL-
LION IN AFRICA AND ITALY, UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE SENATE.
-CIVIL WARS AND SEDITIONS.-VIOLENT DEATHS OF MAXIMIN AND HIS
SON, OF
MAXIMUS AND BALBINUS, AND OF THE THREE GORDIANS.-
USURPATION AND SECULAR GAMES OF PHILIP.

Of the various forms of government which have prevailed in the world, an hereditary monarchy seems to present the fairest scope for ridicule. Is it possible to relate, without an indignant smile, that on the father's decease, the property of a nation, like that of a drove of oxen, descends to his infant son, as yet unknown to mankind and to himself; and that the bravest warriors and the wisest statesmen, relinquishing their natural right to empire, approach the royal cradle with bended knees and protestations of inviolable fidelity ? Satire and declamation may paint these obvious topics in the most dazzling colours, but our more serious thoughts will respect a useful prejudice, that establishes a rule of succession, independent of the passions of mankind; and we shall cheerfully acquiesce in any expedient which deprives the multitude of the dangerous, and indeed the ideal, power of giving themselves a master.

In the cool shade of retirement, we may easily devise imaginary forms of government, in which the sceptre shall

be constantly bestowed on the most worthy, by the free and incorrupt suffrage of the whole community. Experience overturns these airy fabrics, and teaches us, that in a large society, the election of a monarch can never devolve to the wisest or to the most numerous part of the people. The army is the only order of men sufficiently united to concur in the same sentiments, and powerful enough to impose them on the rest of their fellow-citizens; but the temper of soldiers, habituated at once to violence and to slavery, renders them very unfit guardians of a legal, or even a civil, constitution. Justice, humanity, or political wisdom. are qualities they are too little acquainted with in themselves, to appreciate them in others. Valour will acquire their esteem, and liberality will purchase their suffrage; but the first of these merits is often lodged in the most savage breasts; the latter can only exert itself at the expense of the public; and both may be turned against the possessor of the throne, by the ambition of a daring

rival.

The superior prerogative of birth, when it has obtained. the sanction of time and popular opinion, is the plainest and least invidious of all distinctions among mankind. The acknowledged right extinguishes the hopes of faction, and the conscious security disarms the cruelty of the monarch. To the firm establishment of this idea, we owe the peaceful succession and mild administration of European monarchies. To the defect of it, we must attribute the frequent civil wars, through which an Asiatic despot is obliged to cut his way to the throne of his fathers. Yet even in the east, the sphere of contention is usually limited to the princes of the reigning house; and as soon as the more fortunate competitor has removed his brethren by the sword and the bowstring, he no longer entertains any jealousy of his meaner subjects. But the Roman empire, after the authority of the senate had sunk into contempt, was a vast scene of confusion. The royal, and even noble families of the provinces, had long since been led in triumph before the car of the haughty republicans. The ancient families of Rome had successively fallen beneath the tyranny of the Cæsars; and whilst those princes were shackled by the forins of a commonwealth, and disappointed by the repeated

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[CH. VII. failure of their posterity, it was impossible that any idea of hereditary succession should have taken root in the minds of their subjects. The right to the throne, which none could claim from birth, every one assumed from merit. The daring hopes of ambition were set loose from the salutary restraints of law and prejudice, and the meanest of mankind might, without folly, entertain a hope of being raised, by valour and fortune, to a rank in the army, in which a single crime would enable him to wrest the sceptre of the world from his feeble and unpopular master. After the murder of Alexander Severus, and the elevation of Maximin, no emperor could think himself safe upon the throne, and every barbarian peasant of the frontier might aspire to that august but dangerous station.

About thirty-two years before that event, the Emperor Severus, returning from an eastern expedition, halted in Thrace to celebrate, with military games, the birth-day of his younger son Geta. The country flocked in crowds to behold their sovereign; and a young barbarian of gigantic stature earnestly solicited, in his rude dialect, that he might be allowed to contend for the prize of wrestling. As the pride of discipline would have been disgraced in the overthrow of a Roman soldier by a Thracian peasant, he was matched with the stoutest followers of the camp, sixteen of whom he successively laid on the ground. His victory was rewarded by some trifling gifts, and a permission to enlist in the troops. The next day the happy barbarian was distinguished above a crowd of recruits, dancing and exulting after the fashion of his country. As soon as he perceived that he had attracted the emperor's notice, he instantly ran up to his horse, and followed him on foot, without the least appearance of fatigue, in a long and rapid career. Thracian," said Severus, with astonishment, "art thou disposed to wrestle after thy race?" "Most willingly, sir," replied the unwearied youth; and, almost in a breath, overthrew seven of the strongest soldiers in the army. A gold collar was the prize of his matchless vigour and activity, and he was immediately appointed to serve in

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* There had been no example of three successive generations on the throne: only three instances of sons who succeeded their fathers. The marriages of the Cæsars (notwithstanding the permission, and the

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