The Method of Application. NATIONAL aid to education is a question

which has attracted a constantly increas

ing interest in the public mind during the past fifteen years. In the main it has been considered rather from a theoretical and sentimental point of view than as a remedy for any specific evil or a preventive of any clearly defined danger. In a general way it has come to be accepted as "a good thing to be done." Our pride as a people has been touched by the rate of illiteracy and the actual numerical array of illiterate voters. There

has arisen a feeling in the public mind that in a vague, remote manner ignorance may become dangerous. As a preventive of the special evils which we have endeavored to set forth it has hardly received any consideration whatever because of the overweening desire of those who sought Congressional action in regard to the matter to prevent its entering the arena of party politics. There has been an almost universal desire that whatever is to be done in this matter may be done with smiling and unforced assent and by the general accord of all parties. To obtain this unanimity of sentiment, those who have regarded it in its true light as a supplementary "Reconstruction measure" have been willing to waive all questions of form, method, and detail in order to secure a general concurrence in a liberal appropriation of public funds for the purpose of promoting primary education in the various States, and thereby reducing promptly and effectually the present ratio of illiteracy. The motive has been a good one: the policy is absurd. Certain results which have been obtained are, however, of the utmost value when considered in connection with what remains to be done.

In the first place it is to be noted that the Superintendents of Education of nearly every State in the Union, the leading educators, teachers, and educational writers of the country, have almost all united in declaring it to be their opinion that the Government of the United States should act liberally, vigorously, and promptly in regard to this matter.

Those having charge of educational institutions throughout the South supported in whole or in part by Northern charity, the representatives of churches, freedmen's aid-societies, and other organizations which have been active in educational effort through that region ever since the close of the war, have unanimously, emphatically, and persistently indorsed this opinion.

Four successive occupants of the Presidential chair, each from his own peculiar point of view and in accordance with his own temperament and characteristics, have urged upon the attention of Congress as a matter of prime importance the enactment of some provision to secure the general intelligence of voters.

Not less than fifteen separate bills, each more or less complete in its details, have been introduced in Congress upon this subject.

The Senate of the United States, after long deliberation, passed a bill appropriating nearly one hundred millions of dollars for this purpose.

After long deliberation, the committee of the House of Representatives having the subject in charge presented to the House a minority and majority report, both agreeing in the substantial advisement of liberal appropriation but differing as to the manner of distribution and application of the funds.

All this has been done, however, upon the hypothesis of promoting education simply as a cure for the abstract evil of illiteracy, and not, to any marked degree at least, in consideration of its effect upon the other and more serious evils to which we have called attention. It may be accepted as a settled fact, therefore, that the weight of public sentiment is already distinctly ascertained to be in favor of the following propositions, to wit:

First. That the present illiteracy is inimical to the national welfare.

Second. That it is advisable and necessary that national action of some sort should be taken in regard thereto.

Third. That liberal and prompt appropriations

should be made by the general government in aid of primary education.

Fourth. That such appropriations should be distributed upon the basis of illiteracy.

Upon these four propositions a vast majority of the best brain and conscience of the land unite. In arriving at these conclusions the question of harmony between the races, the purification of the ballot, the firm establishment of equal political rights, and the encouragement of a more favorable inclination toward the national government have received hardly any consideration at all. Even without these, however, there was developed an active and positive conflict of opinion in regard to the method of distribution and applying the appropriation, which may be said to constitute the most important phase of the present status of the question.

Briefly stated, the difference is this:

First. A part of those who advocate a liberal expenditure for national education insist that the funds thus appropriated shall be given without material restriction (or at least any that can be enforced and made really obligatory) into the control of the various States in proportion to the illiteracy within their borders.