vernment might, with propriety, declare its opinion on any subject of foreign policy. Such a declaration would, like our enactment of laws, be within our own control. But associate with one or more foreign Powers in a declaration of the kind proposed, and it assumes a very different character. It would be a pledge-nothing less than a pledge; binding, if constitutionally made, the honor and faith of this Nation; and would, if any case within its possible contemplation should arise, come back upon us with all the force of moral obligation to redeem it. It has been said in this debate, that," when Nations speak, they mean something." This is certainly true, and whatever you would say in a "joint declaration," such as is proposed, you would mean to assert and maintain. But, if the President had power to make a pledge in that form, it is the worst form which the proposed political connexion with the Southern American Governments could assume. It is insidious in its commencement, and contains within it a poison that, however slow in its progress, must, if attempted, endanger the vital interests of our country. [APRIL 18, 1826. ; I regret that the President has abandoned those princi ples, in relation to our foreign policy, which I am sure he formerly maintained. I need only refer to the discussion upon the resolution of the Secretary of State, urging the recognition of the independence of the South American States, before they were, in fact, independent, and to the arguments of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, then coinciding with the Department of State, to shew that the opinion of the then Secretary of State and present Secre tary of State, were directly at variance as to our neutral policy. In 1816, the present Secretary of State declared, in a speech on the floor of this House, that the United States would be justified by every principle of public law, in embarking in the war between Spain and her colonies and that we ought to embark in it. The only qualification he used, was, that we ought to have a proper understanding first with other Powers. This was, however, only a consideration of expediency, and could not affect the question of right to embark in the war. He must, therefore, be considered as having avowed the policy of embarking in that war. I have not the speech before me, and speak of it only from memory. It is many years since, but I cannot be mistaken. Congress thought differentlythe President thought differently-and the next Adminis tration have pursued a very different policy: they would not even recognize, by sending Ministers, till the South Ame rican Governments were clearly in possession of the authority in those States. And this policy, no doubt, received the approbation of the then Secretary of State, (now President of the United States.) Here, then, is a question on which these gentlemen were at issue. The present Secretary of State was willing to go to war in 1816 against Spain. He was, of course, willing to incur the same risk in 1818, when he introduced his resolution to recognize the independence of South America. In this he was consistent: I disagreed with him then, as I do now. But he was consistent-he always wanted to have something more to do in that contest than the Administration, or the House of Representatives, or the People of this country were willing to indulge him in. The event has shewn that we, and also the South American States, I should be glad to hear what can be said in defence of this part of the scheme at Panama. Mr. Chairman, we ought to beware of such pledges. Have we not already seen the use which has been made of the message of the late President, in our negotiations abroad? Although it was a declaration unconnected with any foreign Nation, and all its purposes completely within our own control, yet it has been used by our Minister at Mexico as a pledge, and it is clear that he has been authorized so to use it by the Department of State, by which it is distinctly spoken of as a pledge, and urged as a reason for insisting upon commercial privileges from Mexico. It is even probable that, in pursuance of these representations, we have now a commercial treaty negotiated with that Government, actually, if not literally, upon the basis of this pledge. If such a declaration as that made by Mr. Monroe can thus be interwoven with and used as a pledge in our foreign negotiations, what would be the character of the pledge which might be made of a Congress composed of Plenipotentiaries from seven or eight Governments? Reject the amendment under consideration, and sanc-have done very well upon the neutral policy. They have tion this purpose now, and whatever the consequences achieved their independence without foreign aid, and we may be, will you not be told hereafter that the project have avoided not only a war with Spain, but we have was submitted to you, and received your sanction; that shewn to the world that we will not officiously interfere you have refused to qualify it when the question was dis- in the affairs of other Nations. tinctly presented, and have thereby given it a form and This Government chose its own time for recognition; character which it could not otherwise have had? Ac-after the most deliberate consideration, we determined to cording to my construction of the message of the President, he has acted fairly, in inviting our free deliberation on this subject; and, although we may think some of the purposes he has in view to be erroneous and injurious to the country, yet, after he shall have made the stipulations which he has told us he intends to do, we should be much at a loss for an excuse to refuse our aid to carry them into effect. The President would say, I laid the whole matter before you, and you not only gave it sanction generally, but, when the question was presented whether there should be any qualification of, or restraint upon, the measures I had proposed, you declared by your vote there should be none, and thereby sanctioned my whole purpose as I laid it before you. Such would be the language he would hold; and this, added to the doctrines of moral obligation we have heard so much about, would completely conclude us. acknowledge, as we have always done, the Government, de facto, without waiting till it might suit the stubborn character of Spain to acknowledge the independence of her colonies, which she did not do in relation to Holland for near half a century after all attempts at subjugation had seemed fruitless. I have said there was a difference of opinion between the President and Secretary of State, as to the neutral policy of this country in relation to South America, and the difference between them was this: the former was willing to recognize, when it could be done without just cause of war with the mother country-the latter was quite willing, if not anxious, to take part in that war. We have been almost forbidden to look into the documents on our table, for evidence of facts in relation to this subject; but I will take the liberty of referring to a paper which has not been laid on our tables. It is an arti Do gentlemen perceive what nets are spread for us?cle which made its appearance in a paper that was then We must trust every thing to Executive discretion; we under an engagement to have the patronage of the State must not express an opinion, even when asked; and when- Department, and which now prints the laws "by authorever he, by his Ministers, shall pledge the honor and faith ity." This article appeared, when all was quiet in this of this Nation, by treaty or manifesto, we, the Represen- country, on the subject of embarking in this splendid tatives of the People, to whom is committed the purse scheme of a mission to the Confederated Assembly at Pastrings of the Nation, are bound to appropriate without in-nama. It is remarkable, too, that this article appeared quiry. Such doctrines do not belong to my political creed. about the time of the conversation held at the Depart 2361 APRIL 18, 1826.] Mission to Panama. [H. of R. ment of State, last Spring, with the Ministers of Colom- we find it republished, "by request," in the National bia and Mexico, on the subject of our invitation to that Intelligencer, with the comment which I beg leave to Congress. This article is evidently written with some read: "We have seen the purposes for which the statesmen care, and presses its purpose with both zeal and ability, through a channel devoted to the State Department, and" and Government of Colombia are said to desire to hold not very friendly to the President. It would not be pre-" a Congress, or Amphictyonic Council, as it has been suming much upon credulity to suppose that it might have" called, of the American Governments, to which it is "surmised that the United States have been, or are to be, passed under the eye of, if it had not been written by an amanuensis of, the Secretary of State himself. What is "invited to become a party. We cannot permit this proposition to pass without remark, lest our silence might it? After adverting to some fact stated in a South Ame-" "be taken for assent to it, in any shape; or even for inrican paper, it proceeds thus: "It has been announced If the public sentiment be in accord with "by the Government of Colombia, that a Congress of "difference in regard to it, so far as this Nation is em "the States of South America will probably meet at Pa- " braced in it. nama in the course of the present year. Will not these "ours on this point, we shall never send a Representative "to any Congress of Nations, whose decisions are to be "United States be represented there? Will we lose the "Jaw for this Nation. Our own Confederacy ensures the opportunity of expressing, by an ambassador, at least, power and the mode of asserting our own rights, and our fraternal feelings towards the other inhabitants of " "vindicating our wrongs. "the Continent?" 66 "By an alliance with any other Nation or Nations, it is "Let them propose to all the American Nations a con"federation. The details of so magnificent a work" obvious we shall not strengthen but expose ourselves. "would require long and laborious consideration; but "We should lose, by any such alliance, the independence "which is our boast. For what is independence but a "the leading principle should be the establishment of a "Constitution something like our own, by which an Areo-" name, if the question of peace, of war, &c. are to be pagus, or Congress, should watch over the mutual rela-"determined for us, not by the Congress of the United "It will be seen "tions of the Confederated States; and which would" States, but by a stupendous Confederacy, in which the "United States have but a single vote." "wield the force of the Confederated States in defence of "any member that may be attacked; such are the bases" that we consider the proposed confederation as intend"ed to possess the powers, as well as the name of the an“which would ensure to us power and peace, and secure "to the founders praise and gratitude from posterity. It"cient council of Amphictyons, having power to cause "obedience to its decrees. It is surely not necessary to We have, at present, no "is a practicable plan now. urge arguments against a departure from that cardinal "conflicting interests with one another. The proposed “principle in our foreign intercourse, which distrusts and "scheme is intended to prevent our ever having them; "or, if they should arise, it provides for their amicable" rejects alliances with foreign Nations for any purpose." "Every one will see at a glance the vital objections there arrangement." "are to this Government's coupling its destinies with 66 "The Amphictyons of Greece were a body necessary "perhaps in that age, among other objects to keep alive "religious institutions, and to protect its oracles. We "have no sacred wars to wage, nor occasion for a Holy "Alliance to protect either our religion or our political "rights. It is no reason, because such a measure has "found favor among the Nations of Europe, that it should " be resorted to by the Nations of America." "It is objected that foreign Nations will view the con"federation with jealousy: I answer, first, it will be" those of any other People on earth." "strong enough to conciliate the good, and regard the rage of unjust men with indifference. Treaties of mere "alliance have not hitherto been found sufficient; they "have almost always terminated in disgust, and have been "broken. 2dly, I answer, that, in modern times, the exThe Holy Alliance "ample has been repeatedly set us. "is itself an example. The Germanic Confederation as "it was, and as it stands, is a case in point. The Confe"We have spoken of the proposed Congress of Ame"deration of the Rhine another. The former union of "the three crowns of England, Scotland, and Ireland, “rican Governments as of a confederacy of those Na"another; as also the former, and perhaps present conditions. If, however, nothing more be meant than a con❝tion of the dominions of the Empire of Austria. The "Heptarchy of England, and nearly all the Nations of "Europe in the dark ages, to say nothing of the Greek" "Confederation in ancient times. The errors of these "examples are before us to warn us against their re"petition, and to instruct us how to organize our confe"deration." ference of Ministers, &c. to consult upon what the inter"ests of the whole may seem to require, we do not know that we should see any other objection to it, than that "it can be productive of nothing beneficial. If such a "conference were proposed, perhaps mere courtesy " might induce an assent to it on the part of this Govern"ment, were it only to assert the doctrine, that, in becom"This scheme of a general Confederation of the Ame-"ing independent of the Metropolitan Governments, the "Governments of America ought not, and, as far as re"ricas is submitted to the public as a means of securing spects this People, will not, be independent on one "power abroad, and peace and happiness at home. Hu"another." manity, policy, and reason, call upon us to rivet the "Against the magnificent scheme of the Philadelphia "bonds of fraternal affection, &c. and to guard, with a "Mutius, we enter our decided protest. We want not "sacred vigilance, against the rupture of a single link. With-"his Areopagus, any more than we do the Amphictyons. "A confederation alone is competent to this duty "out it we submit to the ordinary fate of other Na-" For our Areopagus, we are satisfied with our Bench of "tions: jealousy, discord, and war, whenever any Na"tion thinks itself strong enough to wage one with "impunity." "Judges; and, for our Council of Amphictyons, we choose our Congress. We desire, in fine, to be members of "no Confederation but that of the United States." It is apparent, at a single glance, that this paper was This article, of which I have read only an extract, finds its way to Washington. It no doubt met the eye of the written by some person who had reflected maturely on President, who must have been at that time very much the subject. It was done when this Nation was not dreamalive to this subject. This splendid scheme of a Confe- ing of any schemes being on foot to entangle our destideration of the Americas was not suited to his taste;nies with South America at Panama. I would appeal to and he, of course, would have no inclination to be moved every one who has paid the least attention to the style of upon, even by his Secretary, in a matter of that kind. a distinguished functionary of this Government, whether Soon after the article made its appearance in Washington, he does not perceive a most striking resemblance to it in H. of R.] Mission to Panama. [APRIL 18, 1826. the style of this paper. Mr. Chairman, it was written by "neutrality with Spain should not be violated, and that the no every day scribbler. If, after a comparison, any one "President should be informed of the affairs with which shall doubt, I will only say he is more sceptical in his dis-" the Congress was to be occupied, and of the uniformiposition than I will acknowledge myself to be. I will not "ty of the credentials or authorization, of the respective conceal my belief as to the authorship of the two papers: Representatives :"-now the condition required by the so far, at least, as to declare that I am convinced that in President was, that the preliminary points, including the the Philadelphia paper was written under the eye of the mode of organization and action, "should be satisfactorily Secretary of State, and that in the National Intelligencer" arranged," and not, as Mr. Obregon supposes, that he under the eye, if not by the pen, of the President him- should merely be informed of them. There is an evident self. I pretend not to have any other evidence of this misunderstanding between them. Mr. Obregon does not fact than what will be found in the articles: the circum- even seem to know the condition required by the Presistance of their appearance, and the known opinion of dent: for he does not advert to them at all; neither these two gentlemen on the subject discussed in the pa he nor Mr. Salazar says a word about "the mode of organpers; I will not, therefore, be suspected of having betray-"ization and action," in the Congress, nor afford any evi. ed any confidence in relation to any supposed knowledge dence that such an inquiry had been made by the Secreof their authorship. I will only add, that the last con-tary of State. Nor do we yet know any thing on that tains more good sense, upon a subject somewhat intricate, subject; although the organization of the body must dethan I have ever seen comprised in so small a space. It termine whether it is a confederation or a diplomatic counis, in my judgment, one of the ablest papers that I ever cil. We are, to this moment, wholly in the dark on this put my eye upon. If I am correct in my supposition as to important point, whether it acts by the common will of a the authorship, these two papers will give us the free and majority, or two-thirds, or three-fourths, or whether unanuntrammelled opinions of the two statesmen at the head imity is required. This was evidently a serious difficulty; of the Executive Department of the Government at that but no explanation had arrived on the third of November, time. These opinions are not more opposite than they and there was no time to be lost. But this difficulty was were known long since to have been, in regard to our got over in some way. After deliberating twenty-seven connexion with South America; but here they are pre- days, the President agreed to waive all his objections to the sented in distinct and undisguised colors, clearly exhibited organization of an Areopagus, or Amphictyonic League, and easy to be understood. The Secretary is for a mag- and determines to consider the assembly as merely "connificent scheme of confederation of the Americas in the "sultative" in the first instance. (I regret this qualificagrand assembly at Panama. "Treaties of mere alliance tion. If he should adapt the instructions of our Ministers will not do." Then he runs over the examples of grand to such a body, and it should turn out to be a confederat Congresses in modern times: at the head of these is the ed body, acting by a common will, voting by a majority, "Holy Alliance" of the European Continent! Excel- or two-thirds, &c. what will he then do? Will he send lent example! And at the tail, the Heptarchy of Eng. the Ministers into the assembly, and suffer the interests of land! "The errors of these examples, says he, are be- this People to be voted upon by a foreign Congress?) "fore us, to warn us against their repetition, and to in- This is the President's first waiver in this contest with his "struct us how to organize our Confederation." But we Secretary. Now let us see what advance the Secretary find the President protesting, in the most decided terms, makes to meet him. He has apparently waived his magagainst the magnificent scheme of the Secretary. They nificent scheme of "confederating the Americans," and appear to have been, in fact, as opposite as the Antipodes. is content to make some treaty-stipulations: and what are We shall presently see how they are brought together. these? Mere entering wedges! Yes, Sir, I beg attention The first movement made by the Secretary was his con- to the words, mere entering wedges, to open the way by versation with Mr. Obregon and Mr. Salazar, which, he degrees for future operations. I want to see no such encarefully tells us, was held, at their instance, at the De- tering wedges in the hands of a man who combines so partment of State. The result of this verbal conference much of qualities rarely combined, viz. temerity and peris to procure a sort of invitation, or, rather, an inquiry, severance. But the President does not consent, after the whether it would be agreeable to the United States to debates in the Senate, to make treaty stipulations, involvbe invited. The Secretary received it with great coming our neutrality. They finally agree, however, to proplaisance, but somewhat coyish, no doubt. He reports pose a stipulation that each country will defend its own the matter to the President, who desires to know the Territory from foreign colonization, and to make a joint "objects of the Congress, and its mode of organization declaration about European interference in the affairs of and action;" and, if these preliminary matters could be South America. This, it was supposed, could do no harm; arranged, the President was willing to send Ministers to and here these two very distinguished statesmen have Panama. The answer of the President was communicat- come together, and this is what we are called upon to ed to Mr. Obregon and Mr. Salazar verbally, (I could spend $100,000 of the public money for, in order to make wish it had been in writing, and then there could have our appearance at the splendid Congress at Panama. been no mistakes or misunderstandings about it.) These gentlemen write home to their Governments, and, on the 2d and 3d of November, they inform the Secretary of State of having received further instruction to give us an invitation to the Congress. Mr. Salazar informs him of the objects which it was expected we would take a part in the consideration of: but he says not a word on the subject of the "organization and mode of action" of the Congress, not any more than if it had never been presented to his attention. He seems to understand, that, if the President approved of the subjects to be discussed, he would send a Minister to represent the United States at the Congress; no other condition is adverted to upon which the invitation was accepted. Mr. Obregon seems to have understood this verbal communication of the Secretary somewhat differently, viz: That the only condition of our acceptance was, that "our The President seems to think he has rendered the measure harmless, and the Secretary is satisfied with having secured his entering wedges. But there is one point to which I beg the attention of the committee, because it is yet unsettled. The President, in every communication on the subject, promises not to "commit our neutrality;" when the Secretary speaks on this subject, he always uses the words "present neutrality." Now we know that a stipulation of alliance, offensive and defensive, to take effect in any future struggle, would not commit our present neutrality; but it might commit, most dangerously, our future neutrality. There is, then, a difference between the two expressions, which is intended to mean something. I have said that the documents do not show any evidence of entire reconciliation on this point. Now let us see who has gained his point. The Secretary of State writes a cir cular to Messrs. Salazar, Obregon, and Canas, informing I [H. of R. put us out of the notion of looking into these documents. One thing only is certain in them; that is, the evidence of a deliberate purpose to adopt a new policy for this country, by forming a political connexion with the South American nations. To this purpose, in whatever shape it may to it, not much more on account of its changing our old be presented, I never can give my consent-and I object and settled policy, than on account of the doctrines which have been advanced to sustain it, and without which doctrines it could not receive fifty votes in this House. The doctrines asserted to defeat this amendment, are the same identical doctrines which prevailed in, and were the cause of," the reign of terror." This is a letter purporting to have been written by di- on the idea of Executive infallibility, and that of the duty They are based uprection of, and under the inspection of, the President him- of the House of Representatives to support, by approval, self; whether it was so, I know not; but it is a formal de- when that might be necessary, every act incidentally inclaration of the position our Ministers are to assume at the volved in the Executive duties. Congress, and a copy of it is, before this time, with the publican age, that this House must not speak about our We are told, in this ReGovernments of Mexico, Colombia, and Guatemala. It foreign policy-because it belongs to the Executive; and contains no reservation as to objects affecting our future that, when he speaks, we must obey. Sir, these are docneutrality; and I take it for granted, from this material trines suited better for tyrants and slaves than freemen. fact, and from every thing on that subject, throughout the Let them once be sanctioned, and a single step farther will whole documents, that it is intended to adopt measures make another sedition law for, if we have no right to which may, and probably will, affect the future neutral speak on public measures, it is but another step to say relations of this country. Now, if the case was presented the People have no right to speak, and if they have no for my solemn determination, at this moment, I would ra- right to speak, you have a right to stop them from speakther commit the present neutrality of this nation, by im- ing. Such is the course of reasoning which led to the mediately embarking in the war between Spain and South encroachment on liberty in the day of that famous law. America, than to form any entangling alliance, or stipula- refer not to the reign of the first Adams, that dark period tion, which would oblige us to embark in war hereafter, of our history, with any pleasure : far from it; but to look the merits of which I could not now determine on. fore I would consent to pledge this country in any war, Be- for beacons to warn us of the dangers which surround us. even of our own, I would be sure that we had justice on vival of the principles which predominated in that day? Is it not true that some gentlemen are looking for a reour side; and how much less willing should we be to com- What did the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. WEBmit ourselves in a future war, in defence of a foreign coun- STER) mean, when he, in a tone of significant complaint, try, without the possibility of such an assurance? Mr. Chairman, although this question seems to remain the House, from whom he would have expected the avowsaid, the gentleman from Delaware was the last man in unsettled between the President and his Secretary, my al of the opinions urged in support of this amendment? belief is, that the President disinclines to commit the pre- Mr. Chairman, is it come to this, in the first year of this sent or future neutrality of the country. But not so with new era, that we shall hear the old repudiated doctrines the Secretary; he, in perfect consistency with his whole of '98, which have been buried for a quarter of a century, policy, would hazard both, if it would aid him in accom- boldly revived and re-asserted! plishing his grand scheme of confederating the two Amer- know what the gentleman from Massachusetts meant by I would be glad to icas, by which, as his Mutius says, we should acquire so the rebuke, unless he thought he had some claims on the much "power abroad." Sir, we do not want any power gentleman from Delaware, as a disciple of those repudiatabroad, except that moral power which justice and neu- ed doctrines. I do not know that the gentleman from tral policy, and a faithful attention to our concerns at Delaware ever avowed such opinions; but I do know, home, will give us. I, therefore, will not vote for an un- there was a time when these gentlemen pursued different qualified approbation of this mission. I have no difficul- roads, and which, in my judgment, involved an unerring ty about the question of appropriation. I will not, so far test of public virtue; and beyond that period, I do not as my vote will prevent it, surrender the powers vested in wish to go to find party distinctions. this House by the Constitution. If I did, I should betray cient test there, for my political friendships. In the late I can find a suffithe interests of the People who sent me here, whose ap- war-the second war of Independence-when we were probation, connected with a consciousness of having faith-contending with the most powerful nation of the earth; fully performed my duty to them, is the highest reward 1 the enemy laying waste every village, and even cottage, can desire. ments pressed heavy upon us; when, in fact, the country within the reach of his power; when fiscal embarrasswas bleeding at every pore, the gentleman from Delaware had shouldered his musket, and marched to meet and fight the enemies of his country, as did my honorable colleague, (Mr. BUCHANAN) and many others of the same political faith. In my judgment, the material question to be decided is, whether we will approve of the purposes avowedly intended to be effected at Panama, as appears by the documents, at the hazard of an entanglement, which no one can see the end of? I have shown, I think, to the satisfaction of every one who hears me, that the President and Secretary of State have been at variance themselves on the subject, and that their own deliberate views were so opposite, as to be utterly irreconcilable, upon any rule or principle of action; and hence it is we find, throughout the whole of these documents, purposes and doctrines so incoherent, incongruous, ambiguous, and incomprehensible. I venture to say, and will appeal for the truth to any candid, dispassionate man in this House, or out of it, to say, whether he believes such another medley was ever presented to any deliberative body, in an enlightened age. Well may gentlemen try to sneer us, or in any other way man from Massachusetts? I can tell you, Sir. I was a But, Mr. Chairman, I ask, where then was the gentlemember of the same Congress with him. Many of my constituents, and those of my colleagues, were suffering every thing which the human constitution could endure, braving the enemy on the Northern frontier, or blanching in cold and comfortless tents on the shores. Their suffer ings were aggravated by the want of the common necessaries of life. I speak from knowledge and experience, and not at random, when I say, that the gentleman from Massachusetts was then engaged, not only in withholding H. of R.] Mission to Panama. (APRIL 18, 1826. the supplies, bnt literally lashing with pinions the arms of that they should stipulate to take into the Cabinet a mathe brave defenders of his country, and in devising every jority of the worthy factionists themselves. That was facmeans which his capacious mind could conceive, to resist tion! It was in the most gloomy period of the war. a vigorous prosecution of the war; identified with every Every heart which had a spark of patriotism was anxious combination and faction, Hartford Convention and all, to for the cause of the nation. Many, who had been opposunnerve the arm and weaken the power of the Governed to the declaration of the war, had then determined to ment, when the enemy was at our doors, and his bayonet defend the country. Such was the disposition of a great at our breast. Sir, the gentleman stood in the same rela- number of the Opposition, especially in the Middle and tion to the domestic enemies of his country then, that he Southern States; but, as the clouds of adversity lowered now does to most of the opponents of this amendment. on us, faction reared her crest still higher. The greater He was their Magnus Apollo! To him they looked for the difficulties and dangers, the more bold and arrogant guidance in every movement; he had only to wave his was she. hand, and they obeyed the signal. But the country I cannot dismiss this subject without adverting to an intriumphed without his aid; the war terminated in a blaze cident in that period of our history never to be forgotten. of glory. The nation still feels, and, I trust, will never New Orleans, the Key of our Western Empire, was incease to feel, the beneficial consequences of the heroism vested by the most formidable army that had ever placed displayed in that war. But none of these feelings found a hostile foot on our shores. The only defence was a a place in the breast of the orator, at the laying of the mere handful of raw militia, led on indeed by one of the foundation stone of the Monument of Bunker's Hill! Ill-most gallant men that ever lived! yet provided with nofated Bunker Hill! Illustrious mound! consecrated to thing for a vigorous defence, but the force of his genius, virtue, liberty, and love of country! Thy glory was per- and their own strong arms and patriotic hearts. Congress fected! Alas! that it should have been stained by an was in session, we were waiting in the most anxious susoration on thy summit, in which all the glorious achieve-pense, apprehending a most fearful catastrophe. Two ments of the second war of Independence were carefully weeks passed away without a mail. The factionists had remembered to be forgotten! Can I, while I feel the predicted what they wished to be true, that Jackson was responsibility of my station; can I, knowing these things, defeated, and New Orleans sacked. At length the globe expected to act upon faith with the gentleman? No, rious news arrived; the letters to the War Departmeut Sir! I cannot be led away by the sympathies of any man were sent to the Chamber of the House of Representafor foreign countries, who had so little for his own in the tives early in the morning, and read in one of the Comhour of her greatest perils. Sir, we have heard much mittee Rooms, over and over and over again, to the sucabout faction; not, indeed, within these walls, except in cessive throngs that crowded in to hear the joyous news. the form of echo. According to my understanding of the When this scene was over, the members returned to the word, there is no sin tolerated by human laws which I do Hall: the different parties then occupied different sides so much abhor and abominate. Mr. Chairman, a whipper of the House. On one side was a scene of incessant in, whose father and brother have lately received distin- greetings, salutations, and congratulations, approaching to guished appointments from the present Administration, ecstacy. On the other-sat faction! Yes, gloomy fachas sought, with what success I know not, to pay the fam- tion! with dark and lowering brow, pondering in sullen ily debt, by denouncing as a factionist every member in silence upon the causes and consequences of this death either House who is disposed, in time of profound peace, blow to her last hope. Sir, no human tongue can describe to "deliberate," when the Executive calls upon him to that scene, as it now presents itself to my memory. If I Mr. Chairman, the charge of "faction, unprinci- could, I would gladly forget every thing on one side of "pled faction," comes with an ill grace from such a fami- the picture, while I would cherish, to my latest breath, ly. The father was one of the fathers of a factious com- every thing on the other. But, Sir, while these recollecbination, during the late war, not less wicked in its mo- tions remain, it is impossible that I can consent to sacritives than the Hartford Convention itself in its worst as- fice any interest of my country, because I may dislike the pect. He opposed, in the other branch, with all his pow- men who may happen to be in power. Neither can I put er, and most insidiously too, every measure intended to myself in the wake of any men, associated with the most give vigor to the prosecution of the war. Another mem-wicked factionists of that day, and seeking to entangle ber of the family, a brother, was a member of this House our country in a foreign alliance, by way of a "speculative at that time, and he declared upon this floor that the then experiment," to divert public attention from their own President of the United States (one among the most vir- political sins. tuous and intelligent men of this or any other age) “de"served a halter!" "act. Mr. BUCHANAN said, he rose to propose to his friends from Delaware and Virginia, (Mr. MCLANE and Mr. RIVES) I regret, in the course of my public duties, to be under a modification which would embrace all the important the necessity of thus referring to the conduct of a man, principles contained in both their amendments. He did venerable by age, and highly respectable for his early ser-not suggest this modification because he believed it to be vices; but the conduct of public men is always a proper necessary, or because he himself had felt the force of the subject for animadversion, and I act on the defensive. objections which had been urged against any of the prinAre we to sit in silence, when assailed from such a quar- ciples which these amendments contained. He would ter as a faction," an unprincipled faction," because, when cheerfully vote for them in their present form. Other the great interests of the country are under our considera- gentlemen, however, thought it would be best to obviate tion, we choose to examine them for ourselves, as it is our all difficulties, and to present the subject in such a manperfect right and solemn duty to do? I may be excused, ner before the committee, that no man could, for one moI hope, for indulging some sensibility under such a charge. ment, believe the friends of these amendments intended I have seen, and therefore know something about faction. by them to give instructions either to the President or his I do not recur to these recollections through any feeling Ministers; or to do more than express the constitutional of malevolence, but to point where the beacons are, that opinion of this House, upon a subject of immense importwill guard us from some dangerous rocks and shoals, in ance, which had been brought, in a regular manner, bethe way of our voyage of life. I well remember when fore it for determination. The modification, if adopted, faction reared her haggard mien within this House, and would test the sincerity of those gentlemen who had dehad determined that nothing should satisfy her vindictive clared, that their only objection to the amendments now rage, but the expulsion, per fas aut nefas, of every public before the committee, was, that they contained an instrucfunctionary from the Departments of the Government, or tion from this House to the Ministers which would be sent |