tions, &c. &c. and that in fact ought to be the sole principle of the bill, but the first clause went far beyond the reach of the title, and actually proceeded to suspend the operation of the various acts themselves, upon which such actions and prosecutions had been founded. The Legislature could never, he conceived, mean to go that length, and therefore he should move in the Committee, such amendments as should confine the bill to what ought to be purely its principle, viz. a bill of suspension of the actions and prosecutions already commenced. His lordship said, that the necessity of passing some bill arose from the Commons having sent up to that House another bill, which was a bill of great magnitude and importance, and which it was impossible for that House, at so advanced a period of the session, to give that due consideration and attention to which so large and comprehensive a matter as that bill went to, absolutely required. That a number of provisions in the old statutes stood in need of revision, no man could deny many of the regulations contained in those laws were actually impracticable, and inflicted penalties on the woollen manufacturers for not doing what, from the change of circumstances, it was at this time of day impossible for them to perform. From such provisions, accompanied with penalties, they ought to be relieved; but it was one thing to grant necessary relief, and another to go the length of sweeping away at once all the statutes, and all the various regulations they contained. Many of those regulations were still useful and fit to be reserved. At any rate it was incumbent upon their lordships to be enabled to judge for themselves, upon the policy of so important a change in the law, before they decided upon it. The Commons had sent them a copy of the evidence that had been adduced before their Committee upon the bill, but their lordships could not admit that as evidence, they must go into the examination of witnesses themselves, and a great deal of examination would be absolutely necessary. It being, therefore, impossible to proceed with the other bill, they were necessarily driven to the present bill of suspension; but although they agreed to suspend existing actions and prosecutions, till Parliament could have duly considered the subject, they ought to leave the old statute entire and untouched; indeed, that was the only regular and parliamentary course of proceeding. With regard to what had been said of the introduction of machinery in the interim, and during the suspension, great doubts had been entertained whether gig-mills were further affected

by the ancient statute, than the recital of the clauses in that bill stated; and it had been replied by some of the learned lawyers heard at the bar, that they were not. But if any clause was meant to be moved for insertion in the present bill, it ought to be drawn with great caution, and so framed, that it should not go one atom beyond its real object, because if it did, it might raise additional doubts and difficulties, and interfere with the use of gig-mills in the manufactory of woollen cloth, for such purposes as were not only not injurious to the manu facture, but highly useful, and had been habitually in practice for many years. With respect to the taking apprentices, un der the act of Elizabeth, his own idea was, that that statute, like all the others, should be left as it was during the continuance of the suspension. The practice ought for the present to go on as usual, where the manu facturer either took apprentices, or what was as good as apprentices, bred up boys for seven years to the business, in the nature of apprentices. His lordship made some other observations, and then moved first, that the consideration of the preamble, and next, that the whole of the first clause be omitted. His lordship afterwards moved a great variety of amendments in the bill; among others, that the words "1803" be omitted in the title, and the words "1804" be inserted. At length having gone through the bill, the House was resumed.

HOUSE OF COMMON S.

Thursday, July 21.

[MINUTES-A message from the Lords announced their having agreed to the Gre nada loan and some private bills.-The clergy farming and residence amendment bill, was read a third time and passed.-The Chatham chest transfer bill was read a third time and passed. Lord Hawkesbury then appeared at the bar, and delivered to the following effect, a message from his Majesty.-G. R. His Majesty having taken into "consideration the present situation of the "illustrious House of Orange, the bonds of "alliance and affinity between him and that "illustrious family, the important services "it has rendered to this country on so many "occasions, and the losses it sustained in "the course of the late war, recommends "these circumstances to the attention of his "faithful Commons, trusting that they will "enable him to make such pecuniary allow"ance, to that illustrious family, as may be "warranted by its present situation, and the justice of this country."--Lard

Hawkesbury then moved, that the message be referred to a Committtee of supply, which being agreed to, his lordship gave notice, that on Monday next he should submit motion on that subject to the House.-On the question for committing the volunteer corps bill, it was ordered, on the motion of Mr. Ormsby, that it be an instruction to the Committee to receive a clause to subject serjeants, drummers, trumpeters, &c. in volunteer corps in Ireland to martial law. In the Committee on the bill, the Sec. at War proposed some clauses; one of which was, that volunteers should in case of invasion be compelled to march where they should be ordered; and another was, for settling the ank of the officers. Agreed to.-The Habeas Corpus extension bill was read a second time.

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[LORD AMHERST'S GRANT.]-The Chanellor of the Exchequer, on the order being ead for the House to resolve itself into a committee to consider of the grant of crown lands made to the late Lord Amherst, and his successors in the province of Canada, moved, that an abstract of the proceedings of council, relative to that grant, be referred to the said committee, which was agreed to. -The House then resolved itself into the committee, Mr. Alexander in the chair.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that the proposition he had to submit was founded upon the message the committee had now to consider of. It would be unnecessary for him to dwell on the distinguished services of the late Lord Amherst, and it would be sufficient for him to observe, that It was to his meritorious services, and those of the late Gen. Wolfe, that we were indebted for the valuable annexation of Canada to the Crown of Great Britain. It would be very superfluous to attempt a detail of those glorious exertions to persons at all conversant in the history of this country; it would suffice to say, that his Majesty was willing to reward and did reward those services, by a grant to Lord Amherst of certain Crown lands, situated in the province which had been conquered by his valour. When the grant was submitted to the Crown lawyers in America, a number of considerations opposed obstacles to the execution of the grants. It was observed, that the lands were only granted to furnish his Lordship with an annuity of 2501, whereas, by the grant, he had a right to demand the possession of the whole, though subject to account to the public for the remainder of the produce, after the deduction of the annuity. The ground also, consisting of a million of acres, was capable of very great improvement, for the

VOL. IV.

equal benefit of the colony and of the reve nue; and, after these improvements had been made, should Lord Amherst lay claim and make good his title to the whole, the fortune arising from it would be too enormous for any subject of this country to possess. In consequence of these difficulties, Lord Amherst failed in his applications for the reward of his services, and remained till his death in expectation of being enabled to avail himself of the favour of his Sovereign. As the first fortune, then, to which pretensions may be made, was thought too exorbitant, and much more than could have been originally intended, the properest way seems to be, for the House to commute it for an annuity, commensurate with the amount of the grant originally proposed. But as it should be considered, that his lordship and his representatives had been deprived of the benefit of the grant for these 40 years past, the amount of the annuity should be fixed, with a view to that circumstance. He concluded with moving a resolution. "That it is the opinion of this Committee, that there be granted to his Majesty, out of the consolidated fund, the annual sum of 30001. as a compensation to the representatives of the late Jeffery Lord Amherst, to begin from the 5th of July, 1803."

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Mr. Courtenay bore ample testimony to the high character and honour of Lord Amherst, of whose eminent services no person. could be more sensible than he was. He had many opportunities, while he was in an offi cial situation, of observing on his conduct, and never knew a man in his life who was less actuated by any thing like selfishness or personal consideration. Indeed, he lamented to find that his lordship had, till the time of his death, good reason to complain that his services had not been rewarded. He now rejoiced to find that his representatives had been more successful, but he could not approve of the intended commutation. The reason why justice had been so long delayed,' had never yet been satisfactorily explained, for he knew himself that the former Lord Amherst presented numerous petitions, which had been sent to the law officers in Canada, and by them referred back again. The revenue disliked making this perpetual charge upon the consolidated fund, which had in it nothing similar to the original grant, and, whatever may be the fate of Canada, would remain for ever chargeable upon the public. He conceived it would be much better to let the annuity intended for the Amherst family, come from the revenues of the lands themselves.

Mr. Canning observed, that as all were

agreed respecting the merits and important services of the late Lord Amherst, the only difference of opinion that could arise was on the question, would the public consent to purchase the grant of lands for the proposed annuity? Upon this subject he had no hesitation. He would not reduce the noble lord, the present representative, to the necessity of becoming an accountant for the produce of these lands over and above the grants, but should prefer this annuity as the mode most convenient to his lordship, and beneficial to the public.

Sir W. Dolben was in favour of the annuity, as he thought the dignity of the peerage, and the services of the late LordAmherst, required that any representative of his, having a seat in the other House, should be secured in an income of 30001, a-year for

ever.

Mr. Courtenay said, that if this grant should, as proposed, be commuted for a pension, he hoped, that the House had reason to expect, that the same lands would not be granted away again. The resolution was then agreed to, and the report was ordered to be received the next day.

[NORTHERN LIGHTS.]--The House having resolved into a Committee on the report respecting the northern lights,

Sir W. Pulteney moved a resolution for imposing duties to support the establishment of a light-house on the Black Rock in the north-western coast of Scotland. What he proposed, he said, was a mere trifle, being no more than 3d. per ton on every ship that passed and entered any of the ports of ScotJand, allowing an indemnity to vessels employed on the Greenland whale fishery; which was agreed to, and ordered to be reported the next day.

[NATIONAL DEFENCE.-The Sec. at War moved the order of the day, for the House to resolve itself into a Committee on the bill for the general defence of the country; and on the question for the Speaker's leaving the chair,

The Marquis of Titchfield called the attention of the House to a circumstance upon which many gentlemen considered their character and honour to be involved. On a late occasion, when he happened not to be present in the House, he understood that the right hon. gent. (the Sec. at War) had said, speaking of the deficiencies in the numbers of the militia, that there was a scandalous and discreditable neglect in the enrolment of the regiments in the counties of Middlesex and Surrey, and that it was owing to the miscon duct of those who were appointed to carry

the measure into effect. So far, the Marquis said, was this from being the case, that it entirely proceeded from the difficulty, as far as regarded the Middlesex militia, at least from the great difficulty of finding per sons in this metropolis suited to that service. So sensible was he of this circumstance from former experience, that previously to the militia being ballotted, he had himself told the right hon. Sec. that the general laws of the militia system were quite inapplicable to the metropolis. He hoped the right hon. gent. would have the goodness to explain the ground upon which he made that statement, in order that, if well-founded, his Majesty might appoint persons better qualified than those that were now employed. He assured the House that he felt so much reluctance to address them, that if his own character only, as Lord Lieut. of this county, was at stake or implicated, he should feel rather disposed to pass it over in silence, but he could not act in the same way, feeling as he did for the honour and character of others. He conceived the public interest to require the explanation he requested, as nothing, he thought, could be more injurious to the pub lic service than undeservedly to hurt and wound the feelings of an honest and meri torious set of gentlemen.

The Sec. at War expressed his regret at its having been believed that the expression of his, thus alluded to, was meant to convey any reflections on the characters of the noble Lords Lieutenants of the two counties. He certainly did, and was well-founded in saying, that there were great frauds and mismanagement in the militia departments of the two counties of Middlesex and Surrey, but he could never mean to impute these frauds to the Lords Lieutenants, or those who were higher in office. He recollected very well, that the noble marquis represent ed to him some time since, that the militia laws in force were not applicable to Middlesex. He then thought the noble lord mis taken in that opinion, and conceived that a remedy might be found in putting it under a new regulation; but in that he found him. self disappointed, for the militia of Middlesex were then no better raised than it had been before. It was evident, therefore, that some other measure became necessary; but it was not within the exclusive department of the Secretary at war, nor could it be likely to prove effectual, unless devised in conjunction with the lord lieutenant and

others.

The Marquis of Titchfield replied, that the explanation was satisfactory, as far as re garded himself personally, but he was much

more solicitous to ease the wounded feelings | of the deputy lieutenants,

The House then resolved itself into the Committee, in which a variety of clauses were introduced. Among others was a clause for exempting the Judges of England and Scotland from the operation of the act.

The Secretary at War proposed a clause to the effect, that the persons comprized in the first class, who engaged to serve as volunteers, should be bound to march in case of invasion; and that all persons comprized in the other classes should remain, and continue to exercise, in the parishes till further orders. This clause was agreed to.

The next clause was, that if his Majesty ordered out any part of the subsequent classes. that it should be chosen by ballot.

Mr. W. Smith said, it would be more advantageous to have the ballot beforehand, than at the moment the men might be wanted.

Mr. Pitt suggested, that it was not possible that any more would be required to go out of the country, than those who were contained in the first class.

The Secretary at War said, the details as to the number and description of the men to be drawn out ought to be left to his Majesty. It was certain that the persons in the first class would be the first to assemble; but it was necessary to provide for a case which, though unlikely to happen, might happen.

The next clause was for training the men for 21 days at farthest, and not less than 14 days till the 25th of December next.

Colonel Wood wished, that men should be trained all the year round, as there was no knowing how long the alarm might last.

Mr. Pitt said, the object was, that the 20 days training should take place as early as possible. He thought 14 days would be too little, unless it was meant to be in addition to the Sundays. He thought it was not possible to train any number equal to the first class in the course of the present year. It would be much better to leave it to his Majesty

The Secretary at War observed, that it was in his Majesty's discretion to give directions as to the period of training. In 14 days a man might learn all that was sufficient. It was not necessary to keep men longer exercising than just to give them the first rudi

ments.

Sir IV. Pulteney remarked, that exercising men upwards of two hours at a time only tortured and wearied them, instead of facilitating their improvement.

Mr. Courtenay stated, that he remembered a regiment under Lord Howe, in the year

1756, which, consisting of raw recruits, in three weeks learnt its exercise, and was able to fire in platoons as well as the most experienced regiment; he saw it afterwards embark for America. He mentioned this to shew that 21 days were sufficient to learn people the use of arms. He often saw old regiments manoeuvring, looking to the right and left, and figuring in and out like schoolmisses with French dancing masters, while young recruits, with very little instruction, became effective soldiers. If this bill was essentially carried into effect, it would make every man able to face the enemy.

The Secretary at War then brought up a clause, enacting, that persons earning their livelihood by daily labour should be paid 15. for every day's attendance; and that the same should be reimbursed by the overseers of the poor, who should be reimbursed every month by the receiver-general, under the order of two justices of the peace.

Sir W. Pulteney thought this clause would be ruinous to the whole system. If such a principle of remuneration was once begun, it could not be withdrawn. He was therefore averse to there being any payment at all. He wished that people should come forth to exercise after their hours of labour were over. He recollected, that when the French fleet in the Channel were superior to ours, and there was a fear of invasion, the people exercised after their labour was over, and all they received was two-pence to drink. It was a proposition destructive of the whole system, for he was well persuaded the money must eventually come out of the public purse. He hoped the Committee would not listen for one moment to it.

Mr. Pitt said, he considered the adoption of the clause necessary to render the bill efficient for the present purposes of it. He did not mean to say, that men were to be paid when they were not taken from their labour. He had no wish that they should be remunerated for exercising on a Sunday. Referring to the employing of the people during the approaching hay and corn harvest, he was sure they could not devote themselves to 21 days exercise without taking so much time from their labour. In a future year, the payment proposed night be regulated, but at present it was a proposition of indispensible necessity.

Eir W. Pullency said, that if such a precedent was laid down, it never could be departed from. We ought to make a struggle to avoid paying any thing; the service should be entirely voluntary.

Lord Costlereagh sa, he partly felt te force of the objection. With regard to San

day, it would be travelling out of the question to talk of giving pay on that day, or in any case where the hour of exercise was not the hour of occupation. He thought the clause ought not to be general, because, undoubtedly, there were individuals who would wish to make a sacrifice of their time to the public. He was of opinion, that if words were introduced into the clause, limiting its operation to those who should require remuneneration, the objection might be obviated, and he thought the officer ought to certify when the party exercised after the usual hours of labour. He was satisfied, that people so full of the cause in which they were engaged, were capable of making whatever sacrifice might be necessary. The people of Ireland had willingly made that sacrifice, and nothing had ever occurred more to confirm them in habits of industry. As legislating for the public, he was of opinion, the remuneration ought to be given where it was required.

Mr. Plumer said, many men went to work at five in the morning, and continued till eight at night. If gentlemen thought a man, after such labour, could go to exercise with any degree of spirit, they were mistaken.

Mr. Courtenay observed, that those who were adverse to the clause, seemed to think that virtue was its own reward; but he believed men who rose at four o'clock, and worked all day, would have very little inclination to exercise for two hours afterwards, merely from a spirit of patriotism. When he looked up to the higher ranks, he did not perceive that they were fond of working gratuitously for the public. Much importance seemed to be attached to this splendid shilling. He thought it was a proper encouragement to men to give up their time. It was not very light labour, after an hard day's work, to handle a firelock for a couple of hours; and he was persuaded, if the hon. baronet tried his hand at it, he would not think himself very well paid at receiving only a shilling. It had been mentioned, that the people who exercised themselves upon an alarm of invasion, had received only two-pence; now, he recollected having read in the works of General Monk, that when men were lead on to dangerous enterprizes, it was necessary to give them a pot of beer. General Monk was a man of experience, and as he had said in his time, that every man, in a service of danger or trouble, should have a pot of beer, surely it was not too much to say, that they should now have a shilling to drink the King's health, and success to Old England. The

precedent was not intended to apply to an-. other year. It only referred to the present and ensuing harvest.

Mr. Kinnaird objected to allowing the Is, per day, unless the men exercised 21 consecutive days.

Mr. IV. Smith was of opinion, that is. a day might be too much at one period of the year, and too little at another.

Lord Castlereagh admitted, it might sometimes be more or less than a compensation; but no man was to receive it at any rate, unless he earned his bread by daily labour, and, required it.

Mr. Gyles observed, that labourers in some parts of the country were hired for the month, and fed by their masters; consequently, if they exercised during the hours allotted to labour, the loss would be their masters', and not theirs. He thought the remuneration ought to be left to the discretion of the lords lieutenants.

Mr. IV. Smith said, he wished that the system of training might extend to 1,000,000 of men; and to talk of paying them a shilling a day, would be to impose a very heavy burthen upon the country. The price of labour was already rising in the country, but this plan would tend to make it rise stiil more; for if a man could get a shilling for exercising two hours, he would be apt to compare that remuneration with the profit of his whole day's labour. The clause was agreed to.

The Secretary at War then proposed a clause, impowering sheriffs of counties to summon juries to ascertain the value of property appropriated to the public service, in cases where the owners should be dissatisfied with the compensation allowed by the lords lieutenants. The last clause proposed by the Sec. at War, was the schedule containing the form of the muster-roll.

Mr. Tyrwhitt brought up a clause giving the same powers to the lord warden and deputy warden of the Stannaries, as to lords lieutenants and deputy lieutenants and also another clause endowing them with the same military command in the stannaries, as lords and deputy lieutenants in the counties. -The House resumed, and the report was received and ordered to be taken into further consideration the next day.

[TAX ON PROPERTY.]-The order of the day was moved for the House to resolve itself into a Committee on the property bill.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer trusted, the Committee would approve of the arrangement he meant to propose. He had a great number of clauses to submit, but it